Ferenc Gyurcsány

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Posted by sonny 04/06/2009 @ 02:13

Tags : ferenc gyurcsány, hungary, europe, world

News headlines
Hungarian parliament passes first austerity measures - MSN Indonesia
Bajnai demanded the tax bill and pension cuts -- which were approved in a preliminary vote last week -- as a condition for accepting the post after Premier Ferenc Gyurcsany's resignation in March. The measure, which come into force on July 1,...
Hungarian lessons for a world crisis - FT.com Blogs
Ferenc Gyurcsány's admission in 2006 to a closed session of the Hungarian Socialist party that he had “lied morning, noon and night” to win the election, was swiftly leaked. It provoked riots in Hungary. Amazingly Mr Gyurcsány managed to soldier on as...
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MSZP may stall with early elections in mind - Budapest Times
Secondly, the crisis management plan follows the path of earlier programmes put forth by his predecessor Ferenc Gyurcsány. The dates given for economic recovery and a return to growth, however, are new: the common logic of the programmes released since...
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Although this is is not consistent with the 2009 government commitment to of keep the budget gap below 3%, recent cost-cutting measures adopted by former Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány and successor Gordon Bajnai ensure that this objective will be met...
Orbán says Socialists focused on party's own crises, not country's - Politics.hu
Orban said the Socialists' new austerity package would be the price Hungarians have to pay for the era of ex-premier Ferenc Gyurcsany and his successor, Gordon Bajnai. The opposition leader addressed a rally in Budapest's City Park, launching his...
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Bajnai, who replaced the unpopular socialist Ferenc Gyurcsany as prime minister last week, said he would tackle Hungary's worst economic slump in almost two decades with a team of outside experts. His government includes some Socialist party stalwarts,...
Hungary's Fidesz Are No Populists - Wall Street Journal
What he doesn't fully explain, though, is the fact that the ruling Hungarian Socialist Party -- and chiefly Ferenc Gyurcsány as prime minister -- have been actively involved in causing those problems in the last eight years....
INVESTOR RADAR-Things to watch as IMF/EU to review Hungary - Reuters
The economic crisis led to the fall of Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany in March and the ruling Socialists formed a new minority government last month with Prime Minister Gordon Bajnai and a new Finance Minister, Peter Oszko, a tax expert....

Ferenc Gyurcsány

Ferenc Gyurcsány

Ferenc Gyurcsány (help·info) (pronounced ; born in Pápa, 4 June 1961) is a Hungarian politician. He has been the Prime Minister of Hungary since 2004. He was nominated to take that position on 25 August 2004 by the Hungarian Socialist Party (the MSZP), after Péter Medgyessy resigned due to a conflict with the Socialist Party's coalition partner. Gyurcsány was elected Prime Minister on 29 September 2004 in a parliamentary vote (197 yes votes, 12 no votes, with most of the opposition in Parliament not voting). He led his coalition to victory in the parliamentary elections in 2006, securing another term as Prime Minister. On 24 February 2007, he was elected as the leader of the MSZP, taking 89% of the vote. On 21 March 2009 Gyurcsány announced his intention to resign as Prime Minister.He stated that he is a hindrance to further economic and social reforms. President László Sólyom stated that instead of a short term transational government ruling only until the 2010 elections, early elections should be held. On 28 March Gyurcsány resigned from his position as party chairman, he was the leader of MSZP between 2007-2009. A minister under Gyurcsány, Gordon Bajnai became the nominee of MSZP for the post of prime minister in March 2009.

Ferenc Gyurcsány was born in Hungary. He attended the prestigious Apáczai Csere János High School in Budapest for two years, then he left to his hometown Pápa to graduate. Ferenc Gyurcsány studied as a teacher and obtained his B.Sc. in 1984 from University of Pécs. Then he studied economics at the same institution, getting his degree in 1990.

In 1981 he assumed function in the KISZ, the Organisation of Young Communists, where he mostly handled organizing student programs at the beginning. Between 1984 and 1988 he was the vice president of the organisation's committee in Pécs. Then between 1988 and 1989 he was the president of the central KISZ committee of universities and colleges. After the political change in 1989 he became vice-president of the organisation's short-lived quasi successor, the DEMISZ.

From 1990 onwards, he transferred from the public to the private sector, working for CREDITUM Financial Consultant Ltd. until 1992, serving as director of EUROCORP International Finance Inc. in 1992. Gyurcsansy then took the position of CEO at Altus Ltd., a holding company of which he was owner, from 1992-2002 and thereafter as Chairman of the Board. By 2002, he was listed as the 50th richest person in Hungary. .

Ferenc Gyurcsány returned to politics in 2002 as the head strategic advisor of Péter Medgyessy, the previous PM. From May 2003 until September 2004 Halil was a minister responsible for sports, youth and children.

He became the president of the MSZP in Győr-Moson-Sopron county in January 2004, serving until September 2004. In the summer of that same year it seemed that there were larger problems in his relationship with then current PM Péter Medgyessy, so he resigned as minister. In a week, problems in the coalition led to the resignation of Medgyessy, and MSZP voted Gyurcsány to become Prime Minister of Hungary as he was acceptable for the coalition partner, SZDSZ.

Gyurcsány was reappointed Prime Minister after the 2006 parliamentary elections, with his coalition taking 210 of the available 386 parliamentary seats, and making him the first Prime Minister to keep the office after a general election since 1990.

On 24 February 2007 he became the leader of his party (being the only candidate for the post) gaining 89% of the vote.

Since his 2006 election victory he has introduced austerity measures to tackle Hungary's budget deficit that had become a staggering 10% of the GDP by the end of 2006. These austerity measures have been criticized by the main opposition party Fidesz on the one hand as being too harsh on the people, on the other hand by conservative economists for not reducing spending enough on social benefits, including pensions. Ferenc Gyurcsány has been the first prime minister since the fall of communism to try to introduce a health care reform in order to rationalize and modernize the national health care system. His efforts for a renewed and more efficient health care however, have been undermined mainly by his own party, as many Socialist Party members regard this reform as a threat to the communist era achievement of free and equal health care service to all.

On 17 September 2006, an audio recording surfaced, allegedly from a closed-door meeting of the Prime Minister's party MSZP, held on 26 May 2006, shortly after MSZP won the election. On the recording, Gyurcsány admitted "we have obviously been lying for the last one and a half to two years." Despite public outrage, the Prime Minister refused to resign, and a series of demonstrations started near the Hungarian Parliament, swelling from 2,000 to about 8,000 demonstrators calling for the resignation of Gyurcsány and his government for several weeks. The Prime Minister admitted the authenticity of the recording.

On 1 October, the governing party suffered a landslide defeat in the local municipal elections. On the eve of the elections, before the results were known, President László Sólyom gave a speech in which he said that the solution to the situation is in the hands of the majority in Parliament.

As a Prime Minister, Ferenc Gyurcsány is a strong advocate of the South Stream pipeline project, which is aimed to supply Russian gas directly to EU, bypassing transit countries such as Ukraine. He signed the contract in Moscow just a week before popularal election at Hungary, which showed around 80% of the votes were against the government reforms.

On 6 October, Gyurcsány won a vote of confidence in Parliament, 207-165, with no coalition MP voting against him. The vote was public.Gyurcsany has been called to step down several times after this incident.

On 21 March 2009 Gyurcsány announced his intention to resign as Prime Minister.He stated that he is a hindrance to further economic and social reforms. Gyurcsány asked his party to find a new candidate for prime minister in two weeks.President László Sólyom stated that instead of a short term transational government ruling only until the 2010 elections, early elections should be held. In the search for PM György Surányi became the frontrunner candidate for the post however on the 26th of March he pulled out of the race saying he would not take the job. On 28 March Gyurcsány resigned from his position as party chairman, he was the leader of MSZP between 2007-2009.

Ferenc Gyurcsány has four children from two marriages. His spouse is Klára Dobrev, a lawyer who teaches at the University of Budapest.

The origin of his wealth is regularly questioned by the media and political opposition. The weekly paper HVG writes about a biography of Gyurcsány: " concludes that talent played a greater role than corruption in Gyurcsány's success. We have to question this claim. Not just because former functionaries are massively overrepresented among Gyurcsány's business partners, but also because, despite his enormous talent for business, Gyurcsány would never have got where he is today without making use of the contacts and support base of the former state party." József Debreczeni, the biographer in question, originally reached the conclusion "regarding party connections and performance, the latter has been more important".

Opposition MP Peter Szijjarto, as the head of a committee set up to investigate the origins of Gyurcsány's wealth, stated in his report that one of Gyurcsány's companies leased the former vacation site of the Hungarian government in Balatonőszöd and rented the site back to a state-owned company so that the rent paid by the government covered exactly the leasing fee during the first two and a half years of the ten-year lease term (1994-2004).

A person named "Gyurcsányi" was mentioned by Attila Kulcsár, the main defendant in the high-profile "K&H Equities" money laundering scandal in Hungary. The prime minister denied he had any connections with the case.

On 2 February 2005, at the birthday party of the Hungarian Socialist Party, for the sake of a joke, Gyurcsány referred to the players of the Saudi national football team as terrorists. Later he apologized, but the kingdom recalled its ambassador from Hungary for a time.

During the 2006 general election campaign, a video appeared where Gyurcsány danced as Hugh Grant in Love Actually. According to government officials, the spokesperson of the government asked Gyurcsány to dance, as they re-made most parts of the film as a special gift for the wedding of spokesman András Batiz. Opposition claimed that the video was made public on purpose, as part of the election campaign, to gain popularity for the PM among young adults.

After his return to politics, Gyurcsány was at first tight-lipped on his religious affiliation, leading many to assume that he is an atheist . In an interview aired on TV2 during the 2006 parliamentary election campaign, Gyurcsány said that as a teenager, he "took part in confirmation for about two years" and even considered becoming a priest. Since confirmation can only be taken once, some regarded this claim as a giveaway that he was not telling the truth, while others such as Catholic bishop Endre Gyulai supposed he meant he took part in preparations for a confirmation.

In connection with the unrest fuelled by his speech, he has been criticised in The Economist for "turning a blind eye to police brutality".

On 2009 January 13,Dominique Strauss-Kahn the leader of IMF travelled to Budapest. The reason for his travel was to ask Gyurcsány about their agreement made in October, regarding the stabilization of the Hungarian government spending.

The opposition decried him for not disclosing information about the state of the Hungarian economy before the 2006 elections, as mandated by the Hungarian constitution, reasoning that basic economic data should be the basis of voter judgement. Gyurcsány admitted that he didn't disclose 'all the details of the truth', but said that he had not lied.

As a Prime Minister, Ferenc Gyurcsány is a strong advocate of the South Stream pipeline project, which is aimed to supply Russian gas directly to EU, bypassing transit countries such as Ukraine. He signed the contract in Moscow just week before a referendum at Hungary, which showed around 80% of the votes were against the government reforms. There are rumors that Gyurcsány would become the head of the new company in a similar manner like Gerhard Schröder became the head of North Stream after stepping down.

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Ferenc Gyurcsány's speech in Balatonőszöd in May 2006

Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány gave a May 2006 closed meeting speech in Balatonőszöd to the MSZP (Hungarian Socialist Party) members of the National Assembly of Hungary. This meeting was supposed to be confidential but the Prime Minister's speech was taped and Magyar Rádió (Hungarian Radio) began broadcasting it late afternoon on Sunday September 17, 2006. The speech ignited mass protests around Hungary and rioting in Budapest. See 2006 protests in Hungary.

If I am honest with you, I can say that we are full of doubts. That behind the self-assurance, there is torment and anguish. I know exactly that all that we are doing will not be perfect. That in a series of issues, not even that I have no clue what the sixth step is, but I don't even know the third. I know the first two. And we must, at the same time, try to take these issues forward, to maintain the cooperation and bona fide between us, to assure the support of the coalition partner , to prepare the managers and leading publicists of the most influential newspapers about what they can count on. To involve them in this process. Learn not to cry out in pain every moment, and keep moving forward.

There is no way that I can predict the consequence of all our steps. We can't. We don't have that much capacity. The truth is, that the whole team only works from 7 a.m. till night and no matter what, after a certain point it cannot be expanded more. We cannot sit with more than 12-15 people around the table, where we need to come to an agreement with governmental people, ministerial people and experts. We can't. This is the amount of talent we have, guys.

There is not much choice. There is not, because we have fucked it up. Not a little but a lot. No European country has done something as boneheaded as we have. It can be explained. We have obviously lied throughout the past one and a half-two years. It was perfectly clear that what we were saying was not true. We are beyond the country's possibilities to such an extent that we could not conceive earlier that a joint government of the Hungarian Socialist Party and the liberals would ever do. And in the meantime, by the way, we did not do anything for four years. Nothing. You cannot mention any significant government measures that we can be proud of, apart from the fact that in the end we managed to get governance out of the shit. Nothing. If we have to give an account to the country of what we have done in four years, what are we going to say? Naturally, it is not constructed nicely, calmly or scrupulously. No. No. It is being prepared at a mad break-neck speed because we could not do it for a while in case it came to light, and now we have to do it so damned desperately that we are almost at the breaking point. And then we slowly end up falling over. Because we cannot do better in keeping up the pace. This is the situation. And in the meantime, we still have to come to an agreement with the Free Democrats because ministerial problems are still *cut* you know that.

Look. The point is that there are no options in the shortest term. Jani Veres is right. We can dither a little longer but not much. The moment of truth has arrived quickly. Divine providence, the abundance of cash in the world economy, and hundreds of tricks, which you obviously don't need to know about, have helped us to survive this. This cannot go on . Cannot. And of course we can ponder for a long time, and a fucking load of analyses can be carried out as to how each social group will end up with this, that is what I can say to you. We cannot continue analysing for weeks, guys, we cannot. We must tell on the first day what needs to be done to ensure that an adjustment can be made this year and that certain tax regulations can be implemented on 1 September. I can go on analyzing for a couple of more weeks, then others who are doing this as their profession will come to me, and say that they have already went through these analyses. Hungary is written down . So premising that what we do is far from being perfect, I cannot tell you a 'B' version.

With whoever influential opinion-shaper around the Hungarian Socialist Party in macroeconomy-related matters, from Kornai to Bokros , from Békesi to Surányi , from Vértes to heaven-knows-who, we have discussed, suffered, yelled it through. And I must tell you as well, that we meet a lot of great ideas. Oh, gosh! And it turns out, that even the greatest ones, the most respected ones make mistakes in the order of hundreds of millions . Let's lay a residential property tax on everyone! Do you know how much income it gets in from a residential property tax, in case we tax every real estate that worth more than 5 million Forints ? I stated a low value limit, not a hundred million , but five. And by the way, we also give the 52 billion to county governments, that comes in from communal tax, since we then have to give that to them, it is already their income now. The whole balance would result with less than 20 billion Forints. There comes the most influential businessman of Hungary, Sándor Demján. With an extremely loud voice, saying: 'Feri, my dear fellow, I've just read in the Sárközi-report , that in case we close every background institutions, we will save 700-800 billion Forints. I say: 'Sanyi, my dear fellow, are you out of your mind?! At least you could know how to do calculations, for god's sake!'. There comes our fellow Gyuri Surányi, that he got the idea in mind, how the tax immunity of statutory minimum wage can be modified while preserving justice. And we keep working on it for a long time. Then he finally sends his piece of paper with the calculation results, and it turns out, that everything is perfect, the only thing he doesn't know, that the system of tax credit does exist in Hungary today and it also needs to be changed, which is 230 billion Forints on the whole. Oh yeah? If this 200 billion is involved in calculations, then he does not have a solution. In general, there are lots of good ideas as long as calculations do not have to be done. If calculations need to be done, then one runs out of wisdom.

In general there is a lot of criticism, that the system is not whole enough, not self-consistent enough, everybody has ideas what to take out from it then, to let the remaining be more consistent, and then we end up with roughly one third of the money that must be collected. Oh, yeah? In that case I can also be consistent. Oh, in that case I also know a consistent system. My only problem is, that it is not 50 billion that must be collected, instead, I'm-not-telling-how-much. Now this is the problem. Moreover, the whole thing must be done somehow on a way that it does not interfere with what we are willing to do in the long scale.

Guys. We are not perfect. Not at all. We will not be either. I cannot say to you that everything will be fine. I can tell you, what I have been saying in the past one year. What can be carried out decently, what comes out from our talent, because we do not play special games, because we do not spend our energy on bullshitting with each other, because none has private interests, which otherwise would not stand publicity among us, because I am not willing to arrange something with you .

The team to which you have entrusted the leadership of this side, this team is roughly capable of showing this much efficiency. It is roughly able to define a programme. There may be another team that can do something else. We cannot, we cannot do anything more or better than this. We will not be capable of it. Even if we work ourselves into the ground. We are doing a huge and decent job among ourselves. We must do it. I am not talking about the New Hungary, the developments, Hungarians beyond the border, relationship with churches, or another thousand things because these are not the most important things compared to the big picture. We will have substantial, significant, and profound proposals on each. One or two will cause surprise too. But compared to the whole, which we have to decide among ourselves, this is not the most important one. Reform or failure. There is nothing else. And when I say failure, I am talking about Hungary, the left wing, and I very honestly tell you, about myself, too.

And I want to tell you now for only once three minutes . I will only repeat this once at most. It is fantastic to do politics. Fantastic. It is fantastic to run a country. Personally, I have been able to go through the past one and a half years because one thing has given me the ambition and fuelled me: to give back its faith to the left, that it can do it and it can win. That the left does not have to lower its head in this fucking country . That it does not have to shit its pants from Viktor Orbán or the right, and it should now learn to measure itself not against them, but against the world. This gave me the faith why it is worth doing this. It was a great thing. I loved it. It was the best part of my life. Now it comes from the fact that I make history. Not for the history books, I do not give a shit about them. I do not at all care whether we or I personally will be in them. I do not at all care. Will we do something big? Are we going to say: goddammit, some people have come who dared to do it and did not fart around with how they would deal with the travel expenses, fuck it. Some came who did not fart around whether they would have a place in the county government, because they understood that this fucking country is about something else. They can understand that the reason it is worth being a politician here at the beginning of the 21st Century is to create a different world. Only for this. Livelihood can be found in many other ways.

I know that this is easy for me to say . I know. Do not keep smacking this into my face all the time. But this is the only reason it is worth doing it. I almost perished because I had to pretend for one and a half years that we were governing. Instead, we lied morning, noon and night. I do not want to carry on with this. Either we do it and you have a person for it, or someone else will do it. I will never give a single interview at the end of which we part with each other in argument. Never. I will never hurt the Hungarian left. Never. But it is only worth doing it to touch the big issues. For explaining it and then sitting on long committee meetings and then holding a new work committee, and then finding it out, that never on a single law we can make an agreement, because only those compromises are being resulted again, that is basically the compromise of idleness, to preserve what was there before. Because everything else trespasses upon somebody's interest. You need another madam for that. This won't change my adoration, not at all. I won't stand up every day. Gyula Horn had this kind of minister too, who wanted to resign all the time. I had this kind of prime minister predecessor, who was saying all the time, that he, that I am not that kind of guy. While there is force in it and we keep moving forward, until that point I stay, and then once I shall sneak away in deep silence. It's not worth doing it for anything else. Everybody should decide to oneself, whether one's doing it for 400-500 thousand Forints , which is fucking important, especially if one does not have any profession other than this, I know. Whether one will be able to move beyond the events of the last 15 years and make new *cut*..ses, or one thinks, that this will be such four years again, that yeah goddammit, we have survived the former one so far, we will get over this one as well. We had enough prime ministers, oh, we will get over this guy as well. We use to stay anyway. Maybe. And I also tell you that this is a legitimate argument, and it doesn't even hurt my feelings, not at all, not at all. There are not one but several people in this fraction who are eligible to be a prime minister. I tell you all, to take a deep breath, drink a fucking huge amount of wine, sleep on it for a couple of nights, and make up your minds. If everyone can say only what has always been said in the past years, and does not get to say 'well, damn it, maybe I have to say something else than I used to say for five years because we could not, apparently, come to an agreement with each other'. Because if all the one hundred and ninety keeps saying the same sentences one has been saying in the past years, then similarly, nothing is going to happen, because we similarly won't be able to come to an agreement. Fuck it, although I don't agree, I let it go. They do it for the first time. Other times, *cut* let it go, to let them do it. It is not a reform to wait for others to change. It is not a reform, by the way, that we stand out and keep telling the people the mantra. The reform is, that we are willing to reassess everything we have thought and done before in many aspects. Compared to this, the matter of the first months, the matter of the adjustment is just a simple constraint, I must admit that to you. You are wrong at the point, if you think that you have a choice. You don't. Neither do I. Today, at best, the choice is whether we try to influence what is happening, or it will damn fall on us. Our solution is not perfect, you are right in that, surely not, but we don't know a better way. Such that we can make an agreement on with the majority of the professional sector, that we can make the markets accept, that we can make the coalition partner accept. We, who do it at the top, from Béla to Jani Veres, from Péter Kiss to Ildikó , from Imre Szekeres to Hiller , and let's say me, we believe that it is by and large right. Because they are the ones, all of them has to believe it. Alone, separately we can do other things as well, but we are not separate, instead, some ten of us are sitting around the table, and we have to accept it.

I think, that it can be done. I think, there will be conflicts guys, yes, there will be. There will be protests, there will be. It is allowed to protest in front of the Parliament... Sooner-or-later they will get bored of it and go home. It can only, it can only be carried out, if in the substance, in the substance you believe and in the substance there is an agreement. By-passing the conflicts between us, to be afraid of the fact, that we trespass interests, then it not ought to be started, not made to be. I don't insist on anything. It is not true to the effect that I'm wedded to, that I have something in my mind, that it has to be the way in the healthcare system, that it has to be the way in... Tut. I organize these discussions, I mediate them, I open up the fellas, in order to let them tell what they have inside. I don't dictate. It's not true. If I dictate, it's only when they want to slow down and they don't want to come to an agreement, saying 'get moving, goddammit!'. I deem this to be my job. And when we came to an agreement, not to let them slow down. It's not about that I have the scenario on Hungary written from A to Z, and I'm saying that I will beat that out from you. Bullshit! I have a scenario from A to Z on how that huge amount of energy hidden inside the socialists can be used in changing the country, make them put into it, make them finally overcome their defeatism, and their old verities. On this, I have one . And when it finally gets too much for me, I shout it out. I don't have a personal story in this matter, not at all. I got a great snitch from what I've had the opportunity to do in the last one and a half year. My personal story is to let us change this fucking country, because who else is going to do it? Is it going to be Viktor Orbán with his team? Or option 'C': nothing is going to happen. It is feasible to flounder further for a while. It is obvious, that the matter of the healthcare system is complicated. But whoever of us goes into a healthcare institution, knows, that it is built on a set of lies. It is obvious, that it's extremely hard to touch anything in the educational system. But yes, we see, that it does not distribute knowledge equally. Somebody among you said, that after all it is - maybe it was Gergő Arató - that after all it is the greatest injustice, you know, that the Hungarian educational system on the one hand amplifies social differences between us, it does not attenuate them, and it also segregates as well. This is the really huge problem, this is the big concern! And the big concern is, that we offer the free-of-charge public education to those, you know, those coming from the best families. According to this it is not the scandal, that it has to be paid in 3 percent installments. If there is a scandal in the society, then it is that the top ten thousand reproduce themselves using public money. And we do not dare to say this out, and we shit ourselves to say, that for that matter one should pay the 7 percent. Do not indulge ourselves here. This is the real scandal. The real scandal is, that on who Laci is talking about, his gipsy men, they get tenth the quality of the healthcare service I get. And since my mother, my mother's name is known in Pápa and they call her Katus , she also gets better one, fuck me ! She did not know, what had happened. 'Has the healthcare system improved, my son?' I reply: 'Bullshit, mom! The truth is that they recognize your name.' This is scandalous. Compared to this, in a social sense the admission for medical attention is nothing. It is not a scandal, it is unpleasant politically, and to pay it. Because politically it can have heavy consequences. But frankly, this consequence only corresponds to us, if we are idiots. Its social consequence, that corresponds to everybody. We do not dare to touch a bunch of evident social lies, because we are afraid of the political consequences affecting us.

But ladies and gentlemen! This is a couple of hundred people's and their families' and their acquaintanceship's problem, ours. But one shouldn't be a politician just because one can make a fucking good living from this. Because we have already forgotten, how it is to be a car polisher. Instead, it is because we want to solve these. And by the way it is just the last four years' experience, it is just the experience of Gyula Horn's governance, that people use to fail not for doing something, or not for doing nothing. To hell, for what then actually? We need to start going. We need to know, what we want to do. The first couple of years will be direful, of course. It is totally irrelevant, that only 20 percent of the population is going to vote for us. Last summer, first time in the last eight years out of 100 people only 18 said that they are going to vote for us according to Szonda . Last summer, guys! One year after, we won. What if we didn't lose our popularity because we are fucking each other but because we deal with great social matters? And it doesn't matter if we temporary lose the support, our support of the public. After all we will regain it. Because they will understand it. And one can go to the countryside calmly, by knowing that we did it, goddammit. Doesn't it become better for everyone? They are right. But for him, and him, and her, and there were dormitories built in this maggoty country once again. This is what politics is about. It is not about who is going to become a regional mayor, how many deputies one will have. It is also important, I know, I'm not naive. But it is not in the most important one hundred problems of the country. And we are the ones to decide which one to take care of, we. And I think the country deserves it, and we deserve it too to do such things.

So what I can say to you is to stop, is to do it. You have a lot of truth in warnings, in the fear for us, in matters on details. I can only say, that I will play no games, neither this way, nor that way. We are doing our job. Until it is possible to go the pace, we go the pace. If it is not possible to go, and you explain it, that 'Yes, BUT...' For that I think you don't need me. You need someone else for that. And I will write fucking good books about the modern Hungarian left .

Not only the content but also the obscenity of the speech has been heavily criticized. In response to the criticism concerning the obscenities, Ferenc Gyurcsány emphasises that "these words were the words of objurgation, passion and love". ("Ezek a korholás, a szenvedély és a szeretet szavai voltak").

While giving the speech, Ferenc Gyurcsány has used - among others - the Hungarian word szar (i.e. shit) or its related terms (szarból, beszarni etc.) eight times and the word kurva (i.e. bitch, whorish, fucking) seven times. The following table presents some of the obscene remarks - of which not everything has been translated by the foreign (i.e. non-Hungarian) press in general - with their corresponding translations.

As a reaction to the speech Viktor Orbán, chairman of Fidesz - Hungarian Civic Union, has called Ferenc Gyurcsány "a sick liar" ("beteges hazudozó") whom his party considers as "a person who is a part of history and the past" ("a történelemhez és a múlthoz tartozó személy"). In addition to the excerpts above, the following table contents excerpts from the speech for which Ferenc Gyurcsány has received heavy criticism.

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2006 protests in Hungary

Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány

The 2006 protests in Hungary were a series of anti-government protests triggered by the release of Hungarian Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány's private speech in which he confessed that his Hungarian Socialist Party had lied to win the 2006 election, and had done nothing worth mentioning in the previous 4 years of governing. Most of the events took place in Budapest and other major cities between 17 September and 23 October. It was the first sustained protest in Hungary since 1989.

There is not much choice. There is not, because we screwed up. Not a little, a lot. No European country has done something as boneheaded as we have. Evidently, we lied throughout the last year-and-a-half, two years. It was totally clear that what we are saying is not true. You cannot quote any significant government measure we can be proud of, other than at the end we managed to bring the government back from the brink. Nothing. If we have to give account to the country about what we did for four years, than what do we say?

Mr Gyurcsány also said things which can be interpreted as admitting having called for clandestine media or private capital support.

The Prime Minister confirmed the authenticity of the recording and uploaded its transcript on his blog, but remarked that "in a closed meeting a person speaks differently than in front of the cameras".

Late on Sunday, September 17, people gathered at the Parliament building demanding the PM should resign. By midnight, the number of demonstrators reached 2,000. A few hundred people went to the State President's residency but later returned. This spontaneous demonstration was entirely peaceful.

On September 18, as a consequence of the audio recording and the fact that the Prime Minister and/or his party was not willing to resign, a demonstration was held near the Hungarian Parliament. Approximately 40,000 protesters demanded the resignation of Gyurcsány and his party for lying throughout the term and then during the campaign to win the next election. The police deemed the demonstration legal, arguing that the rules applicable during the campaign period towards the upcoming municipal elections allow for such short-notice political meetings.

After 23:00, a smaller group of the demonstrators tried to get into the Magyar Televízió public television building at Szabadság Tér (Liberty Square) to announce their demands on air. After they were not allowed to enter, a smaller group attacked the police forces. The riot police units which were intended to secure the building and the perimeter were ordered to disperse the crowd with tear gas and a water cannon. They blocked the main entrances but were unable to stop the attackers who could get inside the building. Some demonstrators became indignant at the authorities' resistance and were later joined by a group of enraged football ultras. A hardcore subgroup of them started to make repeated assaults in order to penetrate the defences and break into the building. The police retaliated, using tear gas and a water cannon. The crowd became enraged and attacked the police units by throwing cobblestones and debris (injuring 141 police officers), but they didn't attack the two drivers of the water cannon mobil. They also set several parked cars ablaze (which led to part of the building catching fire too) and eventually managed to enter the building, forcing the police back.

The demonstrators managed to voice their demands, but since the television station had already ceased its transmission due to the riot, it was not aired live. The building was abandoned about 02:30 by the police. After that, the mob entered the premises. Some of the intruders merely took pictures of themselves and the scene, while others destroyed the dining room and the main hall of the building. The historical television technology exhibition was also demolished: valuable vintage equipment was smashed and techno-historical objects like vintage props were stolen, as were some expensive plasma TV sets. Arson was also reported. All these acts were aired and/or verified by reports from state television officials, police and media coverage. .

Police reinforcements arrived much later, and they managed to reclaim the building before dawn. Magyar Televízió resumed its transmission at 06:07. Over 150 people were injured, including 102 policemen. The property damage resulting from the fight is estimated to be over 230 million forints (about 800,000 EUR).

In Miskolc on Monday (September 18), about 2,000 citizens protested on St. Stephen Square, where Árpád Miklós, chairman of MIÉP's county committee gave a speech, jokingly saying that Gyurcsány might as well join MIÉP as they had been calling Gyurcsány a liar for years, and now he himself had admitted to it, so they are on the same opinion now. People shouted anti-government remarks and sang the national anthem and the Szekler anthem, then marched to the nearby city hall. Later, at the proposal of the MIÉP chairman, they went to MSZP's headquarters on Corvin Street, which was secured by the police. Traffic was blocked by the demonstrators in parts of the inner city.

Also on Monday the Miskolc committee of opposition party Fidesz sent a press release to MTI (Hungarian News Agency) titled “One cannot build a city on lies” (a play on MSZP slogan We're building a brand new Miskolc which refers to the extensive downtown reconstruction program started by the party). In the press release, the committee declared that the seven members of parliament from MSZP's Miskolc committee, including Mayor Sándor Káli and deputy mayors Vilmos Fedor and Erika Szűcs must have known about Gyurcsány's lies, since all of them were present in Balatonőszöd and heard the Prime Minister's speech. Fidesz accused these members of parliament of becoming Gyurcsány's accomplices by keeping quiet.

In the evening a mostly peaceful demonstration took place at Kossuth Square, aside from demonstrators vandalizing a tram on the Square and a car in front of the Socialist Party's county headquarters.

Later that night in other parts of the city, including the areas near the headquarters of MSZP and the HQ of the public radio station, violence broke out again. Large numbers of riot troops were deployed along with mounted police and K-9 units, acting more systematically than before. The use of tear gas and water cannons with accompanying mounted assaults prevented another building siege. Other police units applied police batons and body force.

At 01:00 (Sep 20), about 3,000 protesters gathered at Blaha Lujza Square. The crowd demanded the departure of Prime Minister Gyurcsány. Protesters threw stones and debris at the police, set a police car ablaze and even tried to build barricades but repeated police movements forced them back. By 09:00, the streets were cleared and more than 90 troublemakers were arrested with over 50 people injured. Most local media sources (including news television and news portals) covering the events referred to the attacking civilians as "troublemakers" or "rowdies", thus implying that these violent people were neither protesters nor peaceful civil demonstrators, but just a mob. The first rows of the masses were reported to behave aggressively, backed verbally by youngsters in the background. As opposed to the first night's siege, the crowd did not attack or hinder fire brigade and paramedics, but on one (probably unique) occasion it was observed that a mobster repeatedly kicked another civilian already lying on the ground ). Live reports suggested that part of the mob also shouted claims that the violent acts were similar to those of the 1956 Revolution.

On the late night live talk show, Este (Evening), on the previously besieged MTV, Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány was faced with the consequences of his actions, and the protester's demands, when he read their petition which they managed to hand over the previous day. He replied that it was not just himself, but everybody who had lied, and he would not resign. He said he was committed to pushing through his austerity measures in any circumstances, without the possibility of even a minor change to it.

In Miskolc, policemen, including police captain Albert Pásztor, were already at St. Stephen Square when the demonstrations began at 17:00. People held banners saying Our homeland is not a "fucking country", referring to the Gyurcsány talk. The demonstrators again went to the city hall, then to the MSZP office, where at the request of a university student, a speaker read the proclamation of the protest planned on September 21 against tuition fees (the introduction of which was one of the most controversial decisions of Gyurcsány's government). The national anthem and Szózat were sung both at the city hall and at the MSZP office, while demonstrators stood with their backs to the buildings. Demonstrators demanded that a declaration be read in a local TV station, but the station's manager refused.

In Szeged at 19:00, 500-600 people protested against Gyurcsány but, within a few minutes, there were already thousands of demonstrators marching from the city hall to Dóm tér (Cathedral Square). From there, they went to the Socialist Party's building, which was defended by the police. The demonstration was continued on Tuesday before the City Hall, where about 3,000 people demanded the government's resignation, new elections, and democracy. Police secured the City Hall and the regional offices of Hungarian Television and Hungarian Radio.

The county chairman of Jobbik, the organizer of the demonstration, stated that they wanted to achieve their goal – the resignation of Gyurcsány's government – through peaceful demonstrations, which would continue every evening until September 23, when they would hold a demonstration in Budapest.

In Eger about 1,000 citizens demonstrated, demanding that President Sólyom dissolve the National Assembly. Demonstrators also requested the city's popular Socialist mayor Imre Nagy to initiate Gyurcsány's dismissal.

On Tuesday, several demonstrations of solidarity took place in Romania, in cities with a strong ethnic Hungarian population. In the evening, some 70 people took part in a peaceful candlelight vigil in Odorheiu Secuiesc (Hungarian: Székelyudvarhely). This event was organised by the Hungarian Civic Party, took place in a park in the city centre, and featured the reading of a declaration of solidarity with the non-violent protesters in Budapest. Protesters in Odorheiu Secuiesc also expressed their belief that the results of the 2004 referendum on dual citizenship in Hungary were fraudulent.

When asked about protesting in front of the Hungarian consulate in Miercurea Ciuc (Hungarian: Csíkszereda), Magyar Civic Union president Jenő Szász said that this would be futile, that "Premier Gyurcsány must resign in Budapest and not in Csíkszereda".

During the daytime the capital city was peaceful, though ruins and debris from the previous night's clash scenes reminded the citizens that the crisis was far from being over.

Daytime announcements from different political personalities all agreed that violence must be avoided and control must be maintained at all reasonable costs. Police leaders promised immediate, zero-tolerance reaction to any turmoil. Identification of violators and troublemakers went on all day by police, via analyzing news videos, and dedicated police/detective units made more than 100 arrests during the afternoon.

Riot police were also present at all important scenes, including Parliament, state public radio station, MSZP HQ, and they kept Szabadság Square (where the previously sieged state public television resides) tightly sealed. Nobody was allowed to enter the square except residents of its buildings, television staff and law enforcers. Police units were reinforced, equipped with new special full-size shields, steel helmets, bulletproof vests, and gas masks.

As night fell, reports came in of large scale purchasing of baseball bats at a sports warehouse. Later, a downtown restaurant was raided by the police because delivery of "long stick-like objects" was witnessed, but these turned out to be merely promotional umbrellas.

After 01:00, protesters began to gather on Nagykörút, around Nyugati Square and Oktogon Square. About 2,000 people began to walk along Andrássy Avenue, demanding the departure of Gyurcsány. This time there were no serious attacks against policemen or vandalism, but the troops soon stormed over the protesters and pursued them on the Nagykörút (Grand Boulevard) towards Nyugati Square and neighbouring streets. Cases of police brutality against peaceful protesters and passers-by were reported by eyewitnesses on Internet forums and articles. Overall, this night was remarkably controlled by massive police presence and their rapid response, vandalism was mostly prevented and there were no reports of stone-throwing assault or arson. During the night, 62 persons were arrested, of which 55 persons are now in custody and charged with aggressive crimes, bringing the total arrests to over 200.

An article in the Hungarian news portal index.hu illustrated with photos the fact that the Lonsdale youth manifesto could be observed during the unrest.

Early on Wednesday the large window of the Socialist Party's office in Miskolc was smashed with a garbage can. Downtown, several MSZP placards of the upcoming local elections were vandalized. Late afternoon demonstrations started again on St. Stephen Square; police secured both the square and the MSZP office long before the demonstrators arrived. Speakers asked demonstrators to behave themselves and keep the demonstration peaceful. A student of the University of Miskolc informed the people that the university's student council withdrew its approval of the protest against tuition fees, but students would protest anyway.

A peaceful rally was held in the main square of Pécs.

Peaceful demonstration went on, but people showed markedly less interest. The main opposition party, FIDESZ has cancelled its planned rally previously announced for September 23, due to warnings of a possible attack. The demonstrators of Kossuth Square still lacked any serious political support. Police issued arrest warrants against several football ultras and other presumed troublemakers.

The day and night were quiet overall, but arson was reported when a district office of MSZP was set ablaze in Újpest (a district of Budapest). It was quickly extinguished.

Peaceful demonstrations continued all over the country.

The day passed peacefully. The Kossuth Square demonstration carried on, with 10,000 demonstrators in the evening, and featured several speeches. The demonstration was very well supported with food and on-location made meals. The Parliament-outsider right-wing MIÉP party held its peaceful, speech-oriented rally under heavy police presence. Police leaders announced that they will maintain their alert at the same level as that of the previous days.

Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsány made his official trip to Berlin, Germany today. He visited the X. International Bertelsmann Forum 2006 of the Bertelsmann Stiftung where he also met the German Chancellor Angela Merkel. After the meeting Gyurcsány claimed that Merkel found his leaked speech to be brave. Later the Chancellor's office denied even mentioning the word "brave".

In Miskolc demonstrations started on St. Stephen Square as usual, with fewer demonstrators than on previous days. The speaker informed demonstrators about the latest happenings countrywide, then exhorted people to demonstrate every evening at 18:00 on the main squares of cities until the government resigns. He also said that the fundraising to help those who are penalized for taking part in the demonstrations should be held in the whole country, not only in Miskolc. The speaker mentioned that police officers informed him on Thursday that he will be held responsible for any atrocities committed in the city by the demonstrators; because of this he organized a committee of 5 people who will protect the demonstrators from provocators, remove the demonstrators who try to stir up trouble, and will try to prevent attacks against police officers.

The demonstrators took their usual route – first to City Hall Square, to the city hall and then to the SZDSZ party's county office, where a high school teacher gave a speech comparing Gyurcsány's speech to "the opening of Pandora's box", then marched through Széchenyi Street towards MSZP's office, and later to Petőfi Square. Only about 600 people took part in the demonstrations, which was planned to be very short this time, since the local football team, DVTK was playing against Vasas in the Diósgyőr district of the city and organizers didn't want football fans joining the demonstrators. The football match could also have been the reason for the low participation in the demonstration. Mentions were made about the demonstrations being continued on the weekend.

About 500 people were protesting in Debrecen, 500 in Szeged, 400 in Szécsény, 100-200 in Békéscsaba, 100-120 in Salgótarján, 50 in Nyíregyháza and smaller groups in several other towns.

Between 20,000 and 50,000 people protested in Budapest.

According MTI (Official Hungarian News Agency) the peaceful demonstration on Kossuth square continued with participation of 10,000 to 12,000. Hungary's newspapers have mixed views.

Magyar Lobbi ("Hungarian Lobby"), an organisation of American and European professors and scientists of Hungarian origin, wrote a petition to President László Sólyom, demanding that he start a no-confidence provision against the government.

Other associations and organisations (eg. Új Magyarországért Egyesület, Védegylet) in their petitions given to the Civil Office of Parliament demanded starting a conventional assembly. One of these was written by Új Magyarországért Egyesület and signed by Farkas Bethlen, András Hargitay, András Kelemen, Imre Makovecz, Miklós Melocco, József V. Molnár, Lajos Papp, Imre Pozsgay, Mátyás Szűrös and László Tőkés.

Renovation of MTV hall started.

In the country and on Kossuth Square peaceful demonstrations continued, with about 300 participants in Miskolc, 400 in Szeged, 300 in Szekszárd, 4000 on Kossuth Square.

In an open letter published in the maverick newspaper Magyar Nemzet, several public-life people, including former Chairman of the National Bank of Hungary Péter Ákos Bod, former president Ferenc Mádl and ex-minister János Martonyi called Ferenc Gyurcsány to resign. Demonstrations continued.

On October 1, 2006 municipal elections were held in Hungary. In many cities, demonstrators urged people not to vote for the MSZP candidate. In its campaign leaflets and phone calls, Fidesz constantly referred to Gyurcsány's lies.

Turnout in the local elections was 53.1%, which was two points higher than in 2002 and the highest for municipal elections since the return to democracy in 1990. Opposition parties booked a clear victory in the elections for county and Budapest assemblies and in the mayoral elections in cities with county rights.

However, the polling firm Median opined that the scandal around Gyurcsany's lying had not affected the outcome of the elections as much as it was expected to, as support for MSZP had already hit an all-time low by early September.). Moreover, in Budapest, Gábor Demszky was re-elected city mayor as SZDSZ/MSZP candidate, and the MSzP retained a plurality of district mayoralties.

For fuller detail about the results of the October 2006 local elections, see Elections in Hungary.

Following the elections, demonstrations demanding the government's resignation continued in Budapest (every day until October 23) and in other cities (every week until winter).

On the 50th anniversary of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution, clashes between protesters and the police were reported. Mounted police charges, tear gas, rubber bullets, and water cannons were used to force back the crowd. Rubber bullets were frequently aimed head-high, causing a large number of injuries; a man lost the sight of one eye due to a rubber bullet.

Events started at 02:00 AM, when Chief of the Budapest Police Force Péter Gergényi decided - in opposition to previous agreements with demonstrators - to clear out Kossuth Square . The official justification was that the demonstrators "obstructed security checking of the square". (This was not completely true: hundreds of protesters left the square "extemporary" to make it easier for the police. Only a grim group of 10-20 demonstrators lead by Ferdinánd "Satu" Lanczer stayed there. They were rounded up by police.) Most of the crowd stopped at Nádor Street. Gergényi declared the area an "operational zone" and prohibited all demonstrations on the square and in its neighborhood "as long as necessary".

Budapest Mayor Gábor Demszky declared he was not informed about these police actions and "at first glance" did not agree with them.

Police say that no one was injured in this action, but MTI (the Official Hungarian News Agency) reported "men with bloody heads". The peaceful demonstration ended for a while, with smaller (mainly verbal) incidents between police and protesters noted. The indignant crowd was not willing to end protesting; many of them wanted to go back when the security check was finished, but the police started to crowd them out. When this news spread, the crowd began to multiply.

Near St. Stephen's Basilica people started to muster again in the morning. Some of them made anti-government signs in English and wanted to take part in the official celebration on Kossuth Square with them, but policemen prohibited it. Finally, the crowd began to march into Corvin Street, because there they could hold a minor, preannounced (and therefore "legal") celebration. The crowd grew, so Hír TV (News Television) reported ten thousand protesters according to "non-official police sources." The crowd could not decide what to do. Most of them shouted "Kossuth Square" and "Let's go, let's go," and after the celebration started off. On Alkotmány Street they clashed with police forces, which made them retreat to the Cathedral. At about 15:00, police started to dissipate the crowd with tear gas. Protesters acquired an unarmed T-34 tank (a part of the occasional local open-air exhibition) and used it in a charge. After only a few hundred meters the tank ran out of fuel and its driver (said to be a veteran of 1956) was arrested, no serious damage was done.

At Astoria a peaceful celebration of Fidesz started. Despite their readiness (during the previous few days, hundreds of policemen were called in from the country to the city), police did little to defend the crush of radical anti-government protests that took place only 300-500 metres away and pressed nearer and nearer by police's gas attacks in the wide Erzsébet Boulevard. That night and the next day many political analysts and congressmen brought up the idea that this police behaviour was not by chance. Fidesz celebration, with a participation of thousands, ended at 18:00. That crowd could not be disbanded at all when police started a horse assault on Deák Square protesters. They used gun shells too.

The crowd escaped in the direction of the Danube River. In Ferenciek Square and on a bridge over the Danube they built barricades from everything they found (including building operations materials, signposts, iron police cordon elements, cars and buses). The number of injured people grew. With a snow plow, police broke the barricade on the bridge. At dawn riots ended.

128 people were reported injured, 19 of whom were policemen. At least two men were reported blinded in one eye from the rubber bullets.

In the country (e.g. in Szombathely), demonstrations started against "police terror".

On November 1, main opposition party Fidesz announced their plans to stage several large-scale demonstrations across Hungary on the anniversary of the Soviet suppression of the 1956 Revolution. The events were intended to serve be a memorial to the victims of the Soviet invasion and a protest against police brutality during the October 23 unrest in Budapest. Planned events included a candlelight vigil march across Budapest. However the demonstrations were small and petered out by the end of the year. The new round of demonstrations expected in the Spring of 2007 did not materialize.

The official report on the demonstrations and the attacks on non-violent civilians came out in February 2007. The panel of experts, appointed by Prime Minister Ferenc Gyurcsany, published a 263-page report on the riots which concluded that they were triggered in part by uncertainty about state reforms and exascerbated by the opposition party Fidesz's call for Gyurcsany to resign which represented an attempt to "overthrow" the government and "jeopardized parliamentary democracy." The commission further said that the use of force by the police was justified, but officers acted too aggressively. The commission recommended that (1) no amnesty be given to those serving sentences for violence during the riots, that (2) police be banned from using bullets to disperse crowds, that (3) only specially trained police be used for crowd control, and that (4) a 1989 law banning public gatherings near parliament and demonstrations lasting more than 24 hours be reinstated. A spokesman for Fidesz said the commission was biased in favor of the government.

On 20 May 2007, Prime Minister Gyurcsany announced the resignations of Justice Minister Jozsef Petretei, National Police Chief Laszlo Bene and Budapest Police Chief Peter Gergenyi. Gyurcsany said the move is intended to restore public confidence in Hungary's police and justice systems. News stories attribute the move to recent police scandals and the cloud cast by the disproportionate use of force during the 2006 anti-government demonstrations.

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Juli-files

Juli-files are secret files in the archive in Hungary (like Budapest) that keep track of a huge bribing - around 1989-1990 when 15 000 apartments were given out to the political or cultural elite - in order to have them as allies for the future when communism would be a past... Today MSZP and pres. Ferenc Gyurcsány is trying hard to destroy these files. This is a very delicate matter today - brought up by Magyar Hírlap...

In around 1989-90 when the "changes" took place (see: Revolutions of 1989) and Hungary changed for capitalism and democracy from socialism, and dictatorship 15 000 (fifteen thousand) people got the chance to buy former state-owned apartments - at zero or very-very reduced "discount" prices. The new owners were famous people or from political or cultural elite - as they say in Hungary - the "top 10 000" - which was now 15 000.

This act is not only about giving out gifts to nice people. It's rather about giving them a share - so that they would be loyal in the future to whoever gave them this gift. Also it's about creating a way to blackmail people who got these very expensive properties.

At the secret file archive there's a department called the 'Juli-document department" where among others they keep the list of these transactions of all the 15 000 apartments (consider the fact that these people are not anybodies - but famous people so 15 000 is a very large number). When ex-communist Gyula Horn (actually Gyula is the Hungarian name for Julius - but it's a coincidence only) was president (1994-1998) he gave this department of documents to a private company called: "Tabula Julianus LTD" . This company belongs to the company-empire of Antal Apro (big fish in communism, father in law of Ferenc Gyurcsány) and does document archiving, guarding and shredding. Those 15 000 apartments used to belong to political police - so anybody who got one of those could be compromised or blackmailed any time later.

Socialist government is busy working on destroying these documents - they are trying to privatize the archive so that the private company could have the rights to destroy them all. This is a very-very delicate matter - only Magyar Hírlap wrote about it so far.

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Source : Wikipedia