Lamar Smith

3.3908872901667 (834)
Posted by kaori 03/31/2009 @ 03:09

Tags : lamar smith, the house, government, politics

News headlines
Tim Gunn, on the Hill, just met with Rep. Lamar Smith - Politico
Lamar Smith's office (both personal and Judiciary Committee staff). He even told the Congressman: "You look great!" Then, Smith lined up his staff and had Gunn provide notes of wisdom, wardrobe-wise. The staff fared pretty well....
39-Year-Old Pleads Guilty To Possessing Child Porn - Tyler Morning Telegraph
Investigators from the Longview Police Department Cyber Crimes Unit and the US Secret Service executed a search warrant at Smith's Lamar County residence Oct. 22 and recovered his computer. Assistant US Attorney Jim Noble is prosecuting the case,...
Republicans Press Holder Not to Release Uighurs in US - The Washington Independent
Lamar Smith (R-Texas), for example, reminding Holder that he'd promised he wouldn't release terrorists into the United States, asked: “Do you consider individuals who were trained at terrorist training camps to be terrorists?” Holder said he'd have to...
Texas: A Step Toward Judge's Removal - New York Times
But, the chairman of the House panel, John Conyers Jr., Democrat of Michigan, and the committee's ranking Republican, Lamar Smith of Texas, want Judge Kent to resign, thus forfeiting his salary. Representative Zoe Lofgren, Democrat of California,...
CIA rebuffs Cheney over interrogation documents - Reuters
Representative Lamar Smith, the senior Republican on the committee, said closing Guantanamo Bay where 241 terrorism suspects are held "could endanger American lives." He warned that American jails holding terrorism suspects "could become a target for...
The Good and the Bad of the 2009 NBA Playoffs - Bleacher Report
You've got Lamar Odom, who's hardly been good, and is now suffering from a back injury that could bother him the rest of the playoffs. Even before the injury Odom was limited in his effectiveness, barely scoring double-digits, even in the games in...
It's hard to disagree with TV analyst's take on the Lakers - Los Angeles Times
Lamar Odom, grabbing a rebound over Houston's Carl Landry, needs to brush up on the NBA Finals. TNT's Kenny Smith says the Lakers are arrogant. . . . Lamar Odom noted after Tuesday's game that teams losing in the NBA Finals don't often make it back the...
Authorities seek comment on 1955 murder cold case - Brookhaven Daily Leader
He said it has been hard to get people to discuss the incident, and that of all the stories of civil rights crimes that he has told, Smith's has been the hardest to unearth. "Of all the cases I've dealt with, including Emmitt Till ... the Lamar Smith...
Prep A Championships - The Star-Ledger -
3-Lamar Hayes, Lawrenceville, 23.73. 4-Jackson Roberts, St. Benedict's, and Walter Jean-Jacques, St. Benedict's, 23.78. 6-Markhus Lacroix, Lawrenceville, 23.81. 400-METER DASH: 1-Leonard Hayes, Lawrenceville, 49.47. 2-Matthew Gonzalez, Lawrenceville,...
Austin Combine offensive line preview - OU Insider
The big unknown is Kourtland Atkins who is from Lamar High School in Houston. A large group of Lamar players are coming but a change in plans for the 7 on 7 team has put their situation in the air, Saturday we will find out if he will be there....

Lamar Smith (activist)

See disambiguation page for other people of the same name.

Lamar Smith (c. 1892 – August 13, 1955) was a U.S. civil rights figure.

Lamar Smith was a 63-year-old black farmer and World War II veteran and organizer of black voter registration. He was shot to death in broad daylight at close range on the lawn of the Lincoln County courthouse in Brookhaven, Mississippi. Some contemporary reports say there were many white witnesses including the local sheriff who saw a white man covered with blood leaving the scene. No witnesses would come forward and the three men who had been arrested went free.

Smith apparently had attended meetings of the Regional Council of Negro Leadership (RCNL), probably the largest civil rights organization in the state. He was also a personal friend of the RCNL's president, Dr. T.R.M. Howard of Mound Bayou, Mississippi.

Smith's murder was one of several racially motivated attacks in Mississippi during 1955. The other incidents included the murder of George W. Lee, a civil rights leader in Belzoni (May), the killing of Emmett Till, a black teenager visiting from Chicago (August), and the shooting of Gus Courts (December), a civil rights associate of Lee in Belzoni.

The Smith case was cited in the NAACP’s pamphlet, M is for Murder and Mississippi.

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United States House of Representatives elections in Texas, 2008

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The 2008 elections for the Texas delegation of the United States House of Representatives was held on November 4, 2008. 31 of 32 congressional seats that make up the state's delegation were contested. In Texas's 14th congressional district no one challenged incumbent Ron Paul. Since Representatives are elected for two-year terms, those elected will serve in the 111th United States Congress from January 4, 2009 until January 3, 2011.

The 2008 Presidential election, 2008 Senate election (for John Cornyn's seat), and 2008 Texas Legislature elections occurred on the same date, as well as many local elections and ballot initiatives.

The delegation prior to the election comprised 19 Republicans and 13 Democrats.

Sophomore Republican Louie Gohmert of Tyler was elected in 2004 following a controversial redistricting in 2003 by then-House Majority Leader Tom DeLay that moved the district of incumbent Democrat Max Sandlin into a strongly Republican constituency. Sandlin was defeated by a 24-point margin in 2004, and Gohmert won in 2006 with 68% of the vote. The district is a purely East Texas one stretching from the Tyler and Longview-Marshall areas in the north to the Lufkin-Nacogdoches area due south. Gohmert was renominated, while no Democrats ran in the 2008 Primary. He won easily with 87.7% of the vote.

Republican Ted Poe of Humble was one of four Republicans who defeated a Democratic challenger (Nick Lampson, now representing District 22) in the 2004 elections. Poe won 56% of the vote in 2004 and 66% in 2006, making him one of only a handful of Republicans who gained from the previous election (In 2006, Democrats, who won control of the House from Republicans, generally improved on their 2004 margins). The district stretches from the northern Harris County and Houston suburbs of Spring and Kingwood to southern Liberty County and much of the Golden Triangle region. Poe was renominated, while no Democrats ran in the 2008 Primary. The Libertarian Party nominated Craig Wolfe. Poe won re-election with 88.9% of the vote.

Longtime Republican Sam Johnson of Plano was 78 in 2008 but chose not to retire. He won the Republican nomination. Tom Daley (campaign website) is the Democratic nominee and Christopher J. Claytor (campaign website) is the Libertarian nominee. Johnson was re-elected 59.8-38.0% over Claytor.

This district includes several northern and northeastern suburbs of Dallas, including southwestern Collin County (including Plano and McKinney) and northeastern Dallas County including large portions of Garland and Richardson, as well as some northern portions of Dallas itself. The district is heavily Caucasian, upper-middle class, and Republican, with incomes averaging around the $75,000 range.

Republican Ralph Hall of Rockwall, the oldest living member of the House of Representatives (he will be 85 in 2008), faced Democratic nominee Glenn Melancon ([CQ Politics considered the race 'Safe Republican'.

Hall has represented the district since 1980, first elected as an “old-time” conservative Democrat before becoming a Republican in 2004. He won the 2008 Primary election, defeating foreign relations expert Joshua Kowert; businessman and NASCAR team owner Gene Christensen; and former Frisco mayor Kathy Seei. Hall defeated Melancon 68.8-29.3%.

This Northeast Texas district encompasses the Ark-La-Tex, the Rockwall County suburbs of Dallas, and the Sherman-Denison area.

Jeb Hensarling, a Republican from Dallas, was first elected in 2002 to a heavily Republican district comprising of east Dallas and its neighboring suburbs, and stretching to the south and east to a number of small East Texas counties. A favorite among fiscal conservatives in Texas, Hensarling is a potential challenger for the U.S. Senate in 2012 should the incumbent Republican, Kay Bailey Hutchison, retire. In 2008, Hensarling is expected to win another term in this district despite recent Democratic gains in Dallas County. Hensarling was renominated, while no Democrats ran in the 2008 Primary. Hensaring was re-elected with 83.6% of the vote.

Twelve-term Republican Joe Barton of Ennis was the chair of the House Energy and Commerce Committee until Democrats took over the House in 2006. The district stretches from Arlington southward to several east central Texas counties all the way to Trinity County, which is west of Lufkin and is heavily Republican. Barton won the 2008 primary, and faced Democratic winner Ludwig Otto in the general election, which Barton won 62.0-35.6%.

Incumbent Republican John Culberson faced Democratic businessman Michael Skelly in this Houston area district. CQ Politics considered this race 'Leans Republican'.

Culberson won a surprisingly modest 59% of the vote in 2006 in what is otherwise a normally strong Republican district. He was still favored to win in 2008, given the 2006 anti-Republican trend and the normally Republican voting trend of this mainly suburban district, which is among the most affluent in the nation. Skelly, a former executive of Horizon Wind Energy, earned an MBA from Harvard after serving in the Peace Corps. He currently serves on Houston Mayor Bill White's Green Building Advisory Committee. Culberson defeated Skelly 55.9-42.3%.

The district, which was once represented by former President George H. W. Bush, includes much of heavily Republican west Houston, including the mostly urban River Oaks, Galleria/Post Oak and Greenway Plaza areas, the highly affluent Memorial/Spring Branch area, and the island cities of Bellaire, West University Place, and Jersey Village, as well as many unincorporated areas of northwest Harris County including a large chunk of the Cypress-Fairbanks area. The district also includes the heavily Democratic Montrose area. No Democrat has served this district since 1966, before the district was based in its current location.

Republican Kevin Brady of The Woodlands represents a strongly GOP district centered around the northern suburbs and exurbs of Houston and Beaumont as well as the Huntsville and Lake Livingston areas, winning two-thirds of the vote in 2004 and 2006. The district was expected to remain in Republican hands; no Democrat has won this district since Jimmy Carter, the last Democrat to carry Texas in the presidential electoral college (in 1976), was President. Brady won the 2008 Primary and faced Democrat Kent Hargett who he defeated 72.6-24.8%.

Sophomore Democrat Al Green was not expected to face a serious challenge in 2008 for his heavily Democratic district, which is situated in southwest Houston and includes Houston’s Southside, as well as the Mission Bend and Alief areas (which have large Asian-American populations) and several heavily black and Hispanic northeastern neighborhoods of Missouri City. He was elected by a 3 to 1 margin in 2004 after defeating displaced incumbent Congressman and fellow Democrat Chris Bell in the primary (Bell was moved out of his previous district in the controversial 2003 redistricting engineered by then-House Majority Leader Tom DeLay), and won a second term unopposed in 2006. Green was renominated, while no Republicans ran in the 2008 Primary. Green was re-elected with 93.6% of the overall vote.

Incumbent Republican nominee Michael McCaul of Austin was challenged by Democratic nominee Larry Joe Doherty ,a legal ethics attorney and former TV courtroom judge. CQ Politics considered this race 'Republican Favored'. In 2006, McCaul won only 55% of the vote against a token Democratic challenger, Ted Ankrum, and Libertarian Michael Badnarik. Ultimately McCaul won 53.9-43.1%.

This Republican-leaning district stretches from north Austin into Brenham traveling all the way to several far western and northwestern suburbs of Houston.

Midland Republican Mike Conaway represents George W. Bush’s strongest district in the 2004 election. He won 77% of the vote in 2004 and was one of only a handful of Republicans who ran unopposed in 2006. Conaway’s district stretches from the Midland and San Angelo areas to several mostly rural areas northwest of Austin. No Democrat ran in the 2008 primary and Conaway received 88.3% of the vote over minor party opposition.

Republican Kay Granger, who is considered a moderate by Texas Republican standards, won two-thirds of the vote in 2006, outperforming most of her fellow Texas Republican colleagues. The popular Fort Worth-based Granger was expected to win re-election in 2008 in this district comprising western areas of Fort Worth and surrounding areas. Granger defeated Democrat nominee Tracey Smith 67.6-30.6%.

Mac Thornberry represents this Texas Panhandle district that encompasses Amarillo and Wichita Falls. The Clarendon Republican won by a 3 to 1 margin in 2006 and faced only a Libertarian candidate in 2004. Thornberry defeated Democrat nominee Roger Waun 77.6-22.4%.

Republican Ron Paul is best known for his strong libertarian views. His slogan, “The Taxpayers’ Best Friend”, emphasizes his strong — and sometimes controversial — takes on fiscal conservatism, while his social policies, which includes ending the federal War on Drugs and legalizing marijuana, as well as his belief that the federal government should not be involved in wedge issues such as gay marriage, leading to a more negative nickname, "Dr. No", for his votes against much of the legislative agenda of both parties in Congress.

The 73-year-old physician is a resident of Surfside. Paul was a Republican candidate in the 2008 presidential election (his second, following his run as Libertarian Party nominee in 1988), and ran un-opposed for re-election.

In 2006, Ron Paul won 60% of the vote against Democratic opponent Shane Sklar, a young rancher and Executive Director of the Independent Cattlemen’s Association of Texas (ICA) who ran on a promise to serve as a fiscally conservative Blue Dog Democrat and received a slightly more favorable rating from the NRA, in attempt to defeat the popular Paul. Paul was renominated, while no Democrats ran in the 2008 Primary. Libertarian Eugene J. Flynn filed to run on December 20 . The district extends from several far southern and southeastern areas of Houston, including Galveston and Brazoria County, to the Bay City, Wharton County, and Victoria areas.

Democrat Rubén Hinojosa of Mercedes won 62% of the vote in 2004 in a South Texas district that had to be realigned following a Supreme Court decision that made the neighboring 23rd District unconstitutional. Hinojosa, who was 68 in 2008, won the Democrat nomination and defeated Republican nominee Eddie Zamora 65.7-32.0%.

Democrat Silvestre Reyes represents El Paso and is the Chairman of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence, which could make him a target of some conservative Republicans over issues relating to immigration in spite of the fact that Reyes was a former border patrol agent. Still, the district remains overwhelmingly Democratic due to its large Hispanic population, and Reyes is popular with his constituents. He won two-thirds of the 2004 vote in a district that swung strongly in favor of John Kerry, and won with no Republican challenger in 2006. Reyes was renominated, while no Republican ran in the 2008 Primary. Reyes won re-election with 82.1% of the vote.

Democrat Chet Edwards has been targeted for defeat in many recent elections. His district is widely seen as arguably the most heavily Republican district held by a Democrat, and won a close election in 2004, but recovered in 2006 with a strong eighteen point win. The district, which includes the official residence of George W. Bush, stretches from several rural areas south of Fort Worth to Edwards’ hometown of Waco and the Brazos Valley region, which comprises the Bryan-College Station area. This district gave George W. Bush 70% of the vote in 2004. Edwards won the 2008 Democrat nomination and defeated Republican nominee Rob Curnock 53.0-45.5%.

Democrat Sheila Jackson Lee represents one of the most heavily Democratic areas in the state, covering several largely poor and African-American areas of Houston (including downtown Houston) and whose three previous representatives (Barbara Jordan, Mickey Leland, and Craig Washington) were all African-Americans and took staunch liberal stances.

A regular during C-SPAN’s gavel-to-gavel coverage of the House while it is in session, Jackson Lee has also been seen as controversial, and is considered by some to be one of the “meanest” members of the House, as she is known to have one of the highest turnover rates of any congressional staff. Still, she is a well-respected figure in the district, and has been re-elected with at least 80% of the vote many times. Jackson Lee won the Democrat nomination and defeated Republican nominee John Faulk 77.3-20.3% in the 2008 November general election.

Republican Randy Neugebauer of Lubbock won re-election in 2006 with 68% of the vote. His district is heavily Republican and stretches from Lubbock to Big Spring and Abilene and was created in the controversial 2003 Texas redistricting, which in 2004 led to the defeat of Neugebauer’s challenger, conservative Democrat Charles Stenholm. Neugebauer won re-election over 2008 Democrat nominee Dwight Fullingim 72.5 to 24.9%.

Democrat Charlie Gonzalez represents much of heavily Democratic, largely Hispanic inner San Antonio, including the downtown area. Gonzalez won 87% of the vote in 2006 against a Libertarian opponent and two-thirds of the 2004 vote. Gonzalez is heavily favored to win re-election to this seat, which was once held by his father, Henry Gonzalez for nearly four decades. The Gonzalez family have represented this district for 47 years as of 2008. Charlie defeated 2008 Republican nominee Robert Litoff 71.9-25.2% in the November general election.

Longtime representative Lamar Smith was the only Republican to win among the five congressional districts realigned as a result of a Supreme Court ruling that declared the nearby 23rd District unconstitutional as a result of allegations of diluted Hispanic voting power during the controversial 2003 Texas redistricting. Smith ended up being moved into a district that now encompasses several northern San Antonio suburbs as well as the Texas Hill Country and western parts of Travis County. The district includes a heavily Democratic portion of Austin, including the area around the University of Texas at Austin. However, it is no match for the heavily Republican areas around San Antonio. The Supreme Court decision restored a large amount of territory that had been shifted to Henry Bonilla's district in 2003. Smith won 60% of the vote in 2006 against six challengers, including two Democrats, in a special election that resulted from the ruling. Smith was renominated, while no Democrats ran in the 2008 primary. In the general election, Smith won with 80.0% of the vote.

The seat was held by Democrat Nick Lampson, who was defeated by Republican Pete Olson ,a former Senate aide on November 4, 2008.

In 2006, the 11-term Republican incumbent, former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, was indicted and then resigned amid allegations of corruption surrounding his campaign finance activities for ARMPAC and its Texas division, TRMPAC. DeLay's resignation came too late for another Republican to replace him on the ballot. Democrat Nick Lampson, who had moved from Beaumont to Stafford to run against DeLay, ended up winning the seat after Republicans were forced to run a write-in campaign for Shelley Sekula-Gibbs, a dermatologist and former Houston City Councilwoman who won a special election to fill the remaining seven weeks of DeLay’s unexpired term.

CQ Politics forecasts this race as 'No Clear Favorite'. Many other election experts agree the race is highly competitive, including Stuart Rothenberg,, The Hill, The Southern Political Report, and Chris Cillizza.

An October 22, 2008, poll by John Zogby and the Houston Chronicle has stated that Olson has a 17 point lead over Lampson.

Lampson had been mentioned as a potential candidate for the Senate in 2008, where he would face Republican incumbent John Cornyn, but Lampson instead chose to run for re-election to his congressional seat. Lampson topped a list of Democrats targeted by Republican campaign operative Karl Rove in 2008. The Republican primary was a hard-fought contest, and Olson easily defeated 2006 nominee Shelley Sekula-Gibbs in the run-off election on April 8. Olson defeated Lampson 52.4-45.4% in the general election.

The heavily Republican district includes several of Houston’s affluent southern suburbs, including all of Sugar Land, affluent areas of Missouri City, Pearland, Pasadena and its surrounding smaller municipalities, and the Clear Lake master-planned community. The district is also home to the NASA Johnson Space Center, which houses Mission Control, and Ellington Field.

Ciro Rodriguez, a former Democratic congressman from San Antonio, faced Republican nominee Bexar County Commissioner Lyle Larson and Libertarian Lani Connolly in this majority-Hispanic district. CQ Politics considered this race 'Leans Democratic'.

Rodriquez defeated incumbent Republican Henry Bonilla in a December runoff after finishing in second place to Bonilla during the November general election, when Rodriguez himself ran out of money but was later helped by the DCCC. He was a former congressman who represented the nearby 28th District until a controversial redistricting plan that made this district more heavily Republican and favorable to Bonilla resulted in his defeat by that district’s current representative, Henry Cuellar. Bonilla was seen as an ally of Tom DeLay, who engineered the redistricting. Also, a Supreme Court ruled Bonilla’s district, which was situated in the Hill Country suburbs of San Antonio, unconstitutional over claims that Hispanic voting rights were diluted in the redistricting. This resulted in the 23rd becoming much more Democratic with the addition of south San Antonio, which is Rodriguez’s home base, and the removal of the Hill Country portions from the district, which were moved to Lamar Smith’s district.

Larson is a public official and businessman in San Antonio. A graduate of Texas A&M University, he worked as a salesman for Ethicon, a subsidiary of Johnson & Johnson. In 1991 and 1993 he was elected to the San Antonio City Council. In 1996, he was elected Bexar County Commissioner, where he continues to serve. He defeated attorney and banker Francisco "Quico" Canseco in the Republican primary. Rodriguez defeated Larson 55.8-41.9%.

In addition to southern San Antonio and Bexar County, the district also includes several northwestern areas of San Antonio. Other areas represented in the district include the border towns of Del Rio and Eagle Pass, as well as Big Bend National Park and eastern El Paso County. It includes more than 600 miles of the Texas-Mexico border.

Republican Kenny Marchant of Coppell won 60% of the vote in this Republican-leaning district that gave George W. Bush 65% of the vote in 2004. Marchant is heavily favored to win re-election to this district, which is located in the middle of the Dallas/Fort Worth Metroplex and includes the suburbs of Duncanville and Cedar Hill in the south, Grand Prairie and part of Irving in the central area of the district, and Colleyville, Grapevine and the Carrollton-Farmers Branch area in the north, as well as Dallas/Fort Worth International Airport. Marchant’s district was previously represented by Martin Frost, who was moved out of this district in Tom DeLay’s controversial 2003 redistricting of the state. Marchant defeated 2008 Democrat nominee Tom Love (campaign website) and 2008 Libertarian nominee David A. Casey 55.9-41.1% in the November election.

Austin Democrat Lloyd Doggett represents a Democratic-leaning constituency that is centered around the Austin area and several smaller rural areas to the south and east which either lean Republican or strongly favor Republicans. Doggett won 67% of the vote against a largely unknown Republican opponent who initially ran as a Libertarian until the previous 25th district was thrown out in a Supreme Court ruling that declared the nearby 23rd District of Henry Bonilla unconstitutional; this district was realigned as a result of the controversial mid-decade redistricting engineered by former House Majority Leader Tom DeLay, which realigned Doggett's district into a linear form that was derisively referred to as the "fajita strip". Doggett defeated 2008 Republican nominee George Morovich 65.8-30.5% in the November election.

Republican Michael Burgess of Lewisville won 60% of the vote in 2006 against an underfunded Democratic opponent, a six-percent drop from his 2004 victory against another Democrat. However, Burgess remains assured of a safe seat, as his seat takes in most of Denton County as well as parts of Fort Worth and lean heavily in favor of the Republican Party. The district was once represented by former House Majority Leader Dick Armey, who engineered the 1994 Republican Revolution along with former House Speaker Newt Gingrich. Burgess defeated 2008 Democrat nominee Ken Leach (campaign website) 60.2-36.4% in the November election.

The District is represented by Moderate Democrat Solomon Ortiz, the Dean of the Congressional Hispanic Caucus. Ortiz received 57% of the vote in 2006, a six-point decline from his 2004 performance, which was somewhat of an anomaly given the strong anti-Republican voting mood of 2006, where Democrats either performed above their 2004 performance or ran without opposition. In 2004, George W. Bush carried this South Texas district, which includes Corpus Christi as well as Brownsville and South Padre Island. Ortiz won the Democrat nomination and defeated Republican nominee Willie Vaden 57.9-38.4% in November.

Conservative Democrat Henry Cuellar won 68% of the vote in 2006 against another Democrat who received 20% of the vote. Even though Cuellar is becoming a rising star in the Democratic Party, and has even been seen by some as a potential Democratic challenger to Senator John Cornyn, Cuellar could face a challenge for his seat, which includes Laredo (where Cuellar resides) and areas south of San Antonio, due to his somewhat conservative voting record. For instance, Cuellar received the backing of the conservative Club for Growth during his 2006 primary campaign against Ciro Rodriguez, his predecessor, who later went on to win the 23rd District held by Republican Henry Bonilla, whom Cuellar nearly defeated in 2002. Cuellar won the Democrat nomination and defeated Republican nominee Jim Fish 68.7-29.2% in November.

Democrat Gene Green of Houston has won re-election easily without facing a primary challenge in this strongly Latino, heavily Democratic district, which covers eastern portions of Houston as well as some of its suburbs. Green defeated Republican nominee Eric Story 74.7-23.9%.

Incumbent Democratic nominee Eddie Bernice Johnson (campaign website) of Dallas defeated Republican nominee Fred Wood (campaign website) 82.6-15.8%. This district includes the inner city areas of Dallas, including its downtown areas, as well as several southern Dallas County suburbs south of the city which boast a large African-American population. CQ Politics considered the race to be 'Safe Democrat'.

John Carter of Round Rock won 59% of the vote in 2006 against a token Democratic opponent. His district, which was created as a result of the 2000 Census, stretches across a large segment of Central Texas from the northern Williamson County suburbs of Austin to the gigantic Fort Hood military base, all the way north to Stephenville. This description of the district would make it an opportunity for the Fighting Dems, a faction of military veterans who are members of the Democratic Party. Radio producer Brian P. Ruiz (campaign website) of Hutto won the Democratic nomination but was defeated by Carter 60.3-36.5% in the general election.

Six-term incumbent and conservative Republican Pete Sessions (campaign website) will face Democrat Eric Roberson (campaign website) in this Dallas district. CQ Politics considered the race 'Safe Republican'.

Sessions was considered to be a vulnerable candidate for a number of reasons. First, he is known to have close ties to disgraced lobbyist Jack Abramoff, an issue that is likely to become the focus of his Democratic challenger’s campaign in 2008. Also, while Sessions improved on his margin from his hotly contested 2004 race against Democrat Martin Frost, who was displaced from his previous district as a result of the controversial 2003 redistricting engineered by former House Majority Leader and Abramoff ally, Tom DeLay, it was only by a 2% margin (from 54% in 2004 to 56% in 2006). Contrarily, George W. Bush carried 59% of the vote in the district to 41% of the vote for John Kerry in 2004. Finally, in 2006, Democrats made unexpected gains in Dallas County, winning the District Attorney office and all contested state district judgeships in the county, along with a number of countywide offices on the basis of corruption within the local Republican establishment as well as momentum gained from Democratic Dallas County Sheriff Lupe Valdez’s unexpected 2004 victory.

Roberson won against Steve Love in the April 8th party runoff election to determine the Democrat nominee., but lost to Sessions 57.2-40.6% in the general election.

This Republican-leaning district includes several northern affluent areas of Dallas, including Highland Park, and significant chunks of the suburbs of Irving and Richardson.

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Jack Kemp

Jack Kemp

Jack French Kemp, (born July 13, 1935) is an American politician and former professional football player. In the 1996 election, he was Republican presidential nominee Bob Dole's running mate for Vice President. He had previously contended for the presidential nomination in the 1988 Republican primaries. Kemp began his political career with nine terms as a Congressman for Western New York, from 1971 to 1989, and subsequently served as Housing Secretary in the George H. W. Bush administration.

As an economic conservative, Kemp advocates low taxes and supply-side policies. His positions span the social spectrum, ranging from his conservative opposition to abortion to his more liberal stances advocating immigration reform. As a proponent of both Chicago school and supply-side economics, he is notable as the molder of the Reagan agenda and the architect of the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, which is known as the Kemp–Roth tax cut.

Before politics, Kemp was a professional quarterback for 13 years in the National Football League (NFL), Canadian Football League (CFL), and American Football League (AFL). He served as captain of both the San Diego Chargers and Buffalo Bills and earned the AFL Most Valuable Player award in 1965 after leading the Bills to a second consecutive championship. He played in the AFL for all 10 years of its existence, appeared in its All-Star game seven times, played in its championship game five times, and set many of the league's career passing records. Kemp also co-founded the AFL Players Association, for which he served five terms as president. During the early part of his football career, he served in the United States Army Reserve.

Since his days in political office, Kemp has remained active as a political advocate and commentator, and has served on corporate and non-profit organization boards. He has also authored, co-authored, and edited several books. He has promoted American football and advocated for retired professional football players. Kemp is the benefactor of Pepperdine University's Jack F. Kemp Institute of Political Economy. In January 2009, he was diagnosed with cancer.

Born, raised, and educated in Los Angeles, California, Kemp is the third of Paul and Frances Kemp's four sons. Paul turned his motorcycle messenger service into a trucking company that grew from one to fourteen trucks. Frances was a well-educated social worker and Spanish teacher. Jack grew up in the heavily Jewish Wilshire district of West Los Angeles, but his tight-knit middle class family practiced in the Church of Christ, Scientist. In his youth, sports consumed Kemp, who once chose the forward pass as the subject of a school essay on important inventions, although his mother attempted to broaden his horizons with piano lessons and trips to the Hollywood Bowl.

Kemp attended Melrose Avenue's Fairfax High School, which is known both for its high concentration of Jewish students and celebrities' children. Over 95 percent of Kemp's classmates were Jewish, and he later became a supporter of Jewish causes. His classmates included Herb Alpert, Larry Sherry, and Judith A. Reisman. During his years in high school, Kemp worked with his brothers at his father's trucking company in downtown Los Angeles. In his spare time, he became a rigorous reader, preferring history and philosophy books.

After graduating from high school in 1953, he attended Occidental College, a founding member of the NCAA Division III Southern California Intercollegiate Athletic Conference. Kemp selected Occidental because its football team used professional formations and plays, which he hoped would help him to become a professional quarterback. At 5 feet 10 inches (1.78 m) and 175 pounds (79.4 kg), he considered himself too small to play for the USC Trojans or UCLA Bruins, the major Southern California college football programs.

At Occidental, Kemp was a record-setting javelin hurler and played several positions on the football team: quarterback, defensive back, place kicker, and punter. Although he was near-sighted, Kemp was tenacious on the field. During his years as starting quarterback the team posted 6–2 and 3–6 records. Kemp was named a Little All-America player one year in which he threw for over 1,100 yards. He and close friend Jim Mora, who later became an NFL head coach, were members of the Alpha Tau Omega fraternity. Kemp declined to become involved in student government. After graduating from Occidental with a degree in physical education, he pursued post-graduate studies in economics at Long Beach State University and California Western University, and served in the military from 1958 to 1962.

Kemp graduated from Occidental in 1957 and married Joanne Main, his college sweetheart, after she graduated from Occidental in 1958. Main had grown up in Fillmore, California, and attended Fillmore High School in Ventura County. Her father was a teacher and football coach in the Fillmore Unified School District before becoming vice principal and eventually superintendent of the district. Kemp's Biblical Literature professor, Keith Beebe, presided over the wedding, after which Kemp converted to his wife's Presbyterian faith.

They have two sons, who were both professional football quarterbacks: Jeff Kemp played in the NFL from 1981 to 1991, and Jimmy Kemp played in the CFL from 1994 to 2002. They also have two daughters: Jennifer and Judith. Joanne once suffered a miscarriage, which Kemp later said made him re-evaluate the sanctity of human life and affected his opposition to abortion. As of October 2008, the Kemps had 17 grandchildren.

After being drafted by the Detroit Lions in the 17th round of the 1957 NFL Draft, Kemp was cut from the team before the 1957 NFL season began. He spent 1957 with the Pittsburgh Steelers and 1958 on the taxi squads of the New York Giants and San Francisco 49ers. The 1958 New York Giants played in that year's NFL Championship Game, known as the "Greatest Game Ever Played" and the first overtime NFL playoff game, but, as a third-string quarterback member of the taxi squad, Kemp did not take the field.

After his time in the NFL, Kemp served a year as a private in the United States Army Reserve. During his service, he played one game for the Calgary Stampeders of the Canadian Football League, which made him ineligible for the NFL in 1959. According to his older brother Tom, his parents drove him from California to Calgary, Alberta only to see him get cut. By this time Kemp had been cut from five professional teams (Lions, Steelers, Giants, 49ers, and Stampeders) and his family encouraged him to get on with his life.

On February 9 and February 11, 1960, the newly formed AFL agreed to "no tampering" policies with the NFL and CFL respectively to keep from stealing star players. Thus, players like Kemp with modest NFL experience were common AFL signees at the time. Kemp signed as a free agent with the AFL's Los Angeles Chargers.

In 1960, Kemp led the Chargers to a Western Division Championship with a 10–4 record. He finished second in the league to Frank Tripucka in passing attempts, completions, and yards (making him and Tripucka the league's first 3,000-yard passers), led the AFL in yards per completion and times sacked, and finished one rushing touchdown short of the league lead. Under Kemp, the Chargers' offense averaged 46 points over its last four games and scored more than 41 points in five of its last nine games. In the 1960 AFL Championship Game, he led the team to field goals on its first two possessions, but after the Houston Oilers posted a touchdown in the second quarter for a 7–6 lead, the Chargers never recovered.

In 1961, San Diego Union editor Jack Murphy convinced Barron Hilton to move the Chargers from Los Angeles to San Diego. Kemp led the relocated team to a 12–2 record and a repeat Western Division Championship. He again finished second in passing yards (this time to George Blanda). The Chargers earned an AFL Championship Game rematch against the Oilers. However, this time the Chargers were unable to score until a fourth quarter field goal in a 10–3 loss.

In 1962, Kemp broke his middle finger two games into the season and was unable to play. Chargers coach Sid Gillman put Kemp on waivers to try to "hide" him. Buffalo Bills coach Lou Saban noticed that Kemp was available and claimed him for a $100 waiver fee on September 25, 1962, in what sportswriter Randy Schultz has called one of the biggest bargains in professional football history. The Dallas Texans and Denver Broncos also attempted to claim Kemp, but he was awarded to Buffalo by AFL commissioner Joe Foss.

According to Billy Shaw, Kemp's acquisition solved the Bills' quarterback problem, but Kemp was not excited about coming to Buffalo. According to Van Miller, "Jack's a skier, and he wanted to go to Denver and play for the Broncos. He hated the thought of coming to Buffalo." In Buffalo, he would become known for his love of reading a broad range of books including those by Henry Thoreau, which led to chidings from Saban.

Injuries, including a broken finger, kept Kemp from playing for most of 1962. That season, Kemp received a military draft notice for service in the Vietnam War, but was granted a draft waiver because of a knee problem. The injuries healed, and Kemp debuted for Buffalo on November 18, 1962 by directing the only touchdown drive in a 10–6 win over the Oakland Raiders. He played only four games for Buffalo in 1962, but made the AFL All-Star team. The Bills won three of their last four games to finish 7–6–1.

On December 14, 1962, the Bills outbid the Green Bay Packers for Notre Dame quarterback Daryle Lamonica. In 1963, a four-season starting quarterback battle began that continued until Lamonica left for the Raiders. Lamonica felt he "... learned a lot from Jack about quarterbacking. And I truly believe that we were a great one-two punch at the position for the Bills." In 1963, Kemp led the Bills from a slow start to a tie for the AFL Eastern Division lead with a 7–6–1 record. Kemp again placed second in passing attempts, completions, and yards, and he also finished second to teammate Cookie Gilchrist in rushing touchdowns. The Bills played the Boston Patriots in an Eastern Division playoff game to determine the division title on December 28, 1963, at War Memorial Stadium in Buffalo, New York, in 10 °F (−10 °C) weather. During the game, Buffalo replaced Kemp with Lamonica after falling behind 16–0, but still lost 26–8.

Kemp was said to be the "clubhouse lawyer" for the Bills because of his role in mediating conflicts. In 1964, he managed personalities such as Gilchrist, who walked off the field when plays were not being called for him, and Saban, who he kept from cutting Gilchrist the following week. He also managed the politics of his quarterback battle with Lamonica, who engineered four winning touchdown drives in the Bills' first seven games. The 1964 team won its first nine games and went 12–2 for the regular season, winning the Eastern Division with a final game victory over the Patriots at Fenway Park. Kemp led the league in yards per attempt and finished one rushing touchdown short of the league lead, which was shared by Gilchrist and Sid Blanks. In the 1964 AFL Championship Game, he scored the final touchdown with just over nine minutes left in a 20–7 victory.

According to Lamonica, the 1965 team had a new emphasis: "In '64 we had depended a lot on Gilchrist and our running attack to carry us. . .But that all changed in '65. The Bills had traded Gilchrist in the off season to the Denver Broncos. So we went to a pass-oriented game more that season than we ever had before. We not only went to our receivers, but we threw a lot to our running backs. And I really think it brought out the best in Jack that year." In 1965, the Bills finished with a 10–3–1 record. Kemp finished the season second in the league in pass completions. In the 1965 AFL Championship Game, Buffalo defeated the Chargers 23–0; for Kemp, the victory was special because it came against his former team. Kemp's role in leading the Bills to a repeat championship without Gilchrist and with star receiver Elbert Dubenion playing only three games earned him a share of the AFL MVP awards that he split with former Charger teammate, Paul Lowe. Kemp also won the Associated Press award and the Championship Game Most Valuable Player award.

Following the championship game, Saban resigned to coach the Maryland Terrapins and defensive coordinator Joe Collier was promoted to head coach for the 1966 AFL season. That year, Kemp led the Bills to their third consecutive division title with a 9–4–1 record. However, in the 1966 AFL Championship Game, which was played for the right to represent the AFL in Super Bowl I, the Bills lost to the Kansas City Chiefs 31–7. Kemp was named an AFL All-Star for the sixth consecutive year.a The 1967 Bills endured a 4–10 1967 AFL season, in which Kemp was not named to the All-Star game for the first time in his AFL career.

On August 23, 1968, the Bills suffered a blowout pre-season loss to the Houston Oilers. On August 26, Collier put the Bills through a 40-play scrimmage. During the scrimmage, Ron McDole fell on Kemp's right knee and injured it, forcing Kemp to sit out the entire 1968 AFL season. The Bills went 1–12–1 without Kemp.

Kemp led Buffalo to three straight Eastern Division titles and two straight AFL Championships. He led the league in career passes attempted, completions, and yards gained passing. He played in five of the AFL's 10 Championship Games, and holds the same career records (passing attempts, completions, and yardage) for championships. He is second in many other championship game categories, including career and single-game passer rating. A Sporting News All-League selection at quarterback in 1960 and 1965, he was the only AFL quarterback to be listed as a starter all 10 years of the league's existence and one of only 20 players to serve all 10 of those years. His number 15 was retired by the Bills in 1984.

However, despite his success and important AFL records, he is most prominently listed in the NFL record book for less flattering accomplishments, including his place as a former record holder for most quarterback sacks in a game. Despite Kemp's many records, Joe Namath and Len Dawson were selected as the quarterbacks for the All-time AFL team. Kemp is a member of the Greater Buffalo Sports Hall of Fame and the Buffalo Bills' Wall of Fame.

Kemp co-founded the AFL Players Association with Tom Addison of the Boston Patriots, and was elected its president five times. His founding of and involvement in the players' union contributed to his frequent siding with the Democrats on labor issues later in his career.

Kemp's political career began long before his 1970 campaign. In 1960 and 1961, Kemp was an editorial assistant to San Diego Union editor and future Richard Nixon aide Herb Klein. Subsequently, Kemp became a volunteer in both Barry Goldwater's 1964 Presidential campaign and Ronald Reagan's successful 1966 California Gubernatorial campaign. In the 1967 football off-season, Kemp worked on Reagan's staff in Sacramento. In 1969, he was special assistant to the Republican National Committee chairman.

As a self-described "bleeding-heart conservative", Kemp represented a part of the Buffalo region that is known as the southtowns and that traditionally voted Democratic for the United States House of Representatives from 1971 to 1989. He is as fondly remembered for his good hair and handsome looks as for his athletic prowess and political savvy, and he is described as having the charisma of the earlier J.F.K. (John F. Kennedy) David Rosenbaum described Kemp as an independent politician who often legislated outside his committees' jurisdictions and often spoke in favor of ideals and principles rather than his party's political platforms. As a supply-sider, he was not a proponent of balanced budgeting and trivialized it while speaking of growth as an economic goal.

The Erie County, New York Republicans had drafted Kemp after incumbent congressman Richard D. McCarthy decided to run for the United States Senate. During his inaugural campaign, his district was in economic malaise, and The New York Times described him as a John F. Kennedy throwback who campaigned on family values, patriotism, sports and defense. Upon his election to the Congress in a class of sixty-two freshmen, he was one of six newcomers—along with Ronald Dellums, Bella Abzug, Louise Day Hicks, Robert Drinan, and Pete du Pont—discussed in Time. The article described him as a football fan like United States President Richard Nixon and as the recipient of advice from White House Adviser Robert Finch and former Kemp boss Herb Klein, Nixon's Director of Communications. The Nixon aides encouraged Kemp to endorse the Cambodian invasion and to oppose criticism of Nixon's war policies in order to firm up Kemp's support from military hawks.

Time magazine identified 38-year-old second-term congressman Kemp as a future leader in its 1974 "Faces for the Future" feature. Another early-career notable magazine appearance was in a 1978 issue of Esquire. The article explained allegations of homosexual activity among staffers in Ronald Reagan's Sacramento office in 1967; Kemp was not implicated. Hugh Sidey mentioned him as a contender to unseat Jimmy Carter in the 1980 presidential election and was a front runner for the vice presidency at the 1980 Republican National Convention, where he received 43 votes from conservative detractors of George H. W. Bush. After he was reelected for a sixth term in 1980, his Republican peers elected him to a party leadership position, and he served seven years as chairman of the House Republican Conference. This promotion occurred immediately after Kemp and David Stockman urged Reagan by memorandum to dedicate his first 100 days to working on an economic package with Congress. By 1984, many viewed Kemp as Reagan's heir apparent.

Kemp had his first encounter with supply-side economics in 1967, when The Wall Street Journal's Jude Wanniski interviewed him at his Congressional office. Kemp questioned Wanniski all day (until midnight, at Kemp's Bethesda, Maryland home) and was eventually converted to University of Southern California professor Arthur Laffer's supply-side discipline. Thereafter, Kemp espoused supply-side economics freely, and in 1978 he and William V. Roth, Jr. proposed tax-cutting legislation. Kemp has been credited as responsible for supply-side economics' inclusion in President Reagan's economic plan, although at the time of Robert Mundell's Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics recognition some attributed much of the credit to Mundell, Laffer, Robert Bartley, and Wanniski. In 1979, Kemp wrote An American Renaissance (ISBN 0-06-012283-8), to deliver his message that "A rising tide lifts all boats." Although the realization of early 1980s tax cuts are attributed to Reagan, they were initiated by Kemp and Roth through their 1981 Kemp–Roth Tax Cut legislation. Reagan's budget based on this legislation passed over the objection of United States House Committee on Ways and Means Chairman Dan Rostenkowski.

During the Reagan years, Kemp and his followers ignored budget balancing while promoting tax cuts and economic growth. These tax cuts have been credited by conservatives for the economic growth from 1983 to 1990, which by 1996 had become one of the longest expansions in American history. Kemp notes that Federal Reserve Chairman Paul Volcker's success at stemming inflation and the favorable regulatory environment were also major factors. Detractors note that the expansion was fueled by undesirable sectors like gaming, prisons, medical treatment, and credit card use.

An early Kemp tax reform attempt was an unsuccessful 1979 proposal to index tax brackets for cost of living fluctuations, which was incorporated in Reagan's 1980 package. Kemp co-sponsored a legislative attempt at enterprise zones in 1980. One of Kemp's more trying times as a congressman came in 1982 when Reagan decided to reverse the tax cuts and promote tax increases. The reversal was controversial and stimulated opposition by Kemp. Nonetheless, the revised taxes passed. In 1983, Kemp opposed the policies of Chairman Volcker on multiple occasions. The debates included domestic monetary involvement and roles in funding the International Monetary Fund.

At several Republican National Conventions, Kemp has delivered speeches. He addressed the convention on July 15 at the 1980 Republican National Convention in Detroit, Michigan and on August 21 at the 1984 Republican National Convention in Dallas, Texas. During the 1984 Convention, with Trent Lott as Republican Party Platform Committee Chairman, Congressmen Kemp and Newt Gingrich claimed control of the party platform to the consternation of G.O.P. senators Bob Dole and Howard Baker. Kemp's official role was as the chairman of the platform subcommittee on foreign policy. However, the three platform planks that he proposed involved tax hikes, the gold standard and the role of the Federal Reserve. Despite Kemp's official role, his real influence as an author was on the grammatical structure of the plank on tax hikes. By 1985, Kemp was a leading contender for the 1988 Presidential nomination. He also delivered remarks on free enterprise zones at the 1992 Republican National Convention in Houston, Texas. Despite efforts and considerations of expanding his political domain, Kemp never held a fundraiser outside of his suburban Western New York district until well into his eighth term in Congress.

Kemp has been a critic of soccer, also known as association football. In 1986, during a House floor debate over whether the United States should host the 1994 FIFA World Cup, Kemp proclaimed: "I think it is important for all those young out there — who someday hope to play real football, where you throw it and kick it and run with it and put it in your hands — a distinction should be made that football is democratic capitalism, whereas soccer is a European socialist sport." Kemp has compared his speech to George Carlin's 1984 comedy routine on the differences between baseball and American football and has written that his "tongue was firmly planted in cheek" when making the speech. Despite the levity of the speech, it has garnered significant backlash. However, he continues to insist that soccer's main problem is "it doesn't have a quarterback". Kemp notes that about half of his grandchildren play or have played organized soccer and claims to have since 'changed' his position on soccer. He even attended the 1994 FIFA World Cup with long time soccer fan Henry Kissinger, although he wrote during the 2006 FIFA World Cup that soccer can be interesting to watch but is still a "boring game".

In 1988, if Kemp had won his campaign for the United States Presidency, it would have made him the first person to move from the United States House of Representatives to the White House since James Garfield. When he formed his exploratory committee, he signed Ed Rollins, Reagan's 1984 re-election political director, as an advisor. From the outset, Kemp had failed to position himself as the primary alternative to Vice President Bush. Except for a select few cognoscenti, the general public did not recognize Kemp's leadership ability, although he was a successful man of ideas. In fact, most of the Republican electorate found themselves unfamiliar with Kemp early in his campaign. Political pundits recognized him, however, as a visionary idea man. In addition, he was quickly perceived as a verbose speaker who sometimes lost contact with his audience. Although Kemp tried to appeal to the conservatives, his libertarian philosophies of tolerance and individual rights and his commitment to supporting minorities, women, blue-collar workers and organized labor clashed with conservative voters' social and religious values. To Democrats, Kemp's free-market philosophies were a form of laissez-faire anarchy. However, as much as Kemp wanted to minimize government's role, he acknowledged that moves toward a more laissez-faire system should be well-thought out.

After the May 1987 Gary Hart–Donna Rice scandal, a questionnaire by The New York Times requested things such as psychiatric records and access to FBI files from all 14 presidential candidates. Candidates from each party expressed opinions on both sides of the personal privacy issue, and Kemp rejected the Times inquiry as "beneath the dignity of a presidential candidate". His campaign was on an early positive course with many key early endorsements in New Hampshire, but Bush held the support of much of the Republican establishment in New York. Although he had an eclectic mix of supporters, Kemp's campaign began borrowing against anticipated Federal matching funds because it had quickly spent itself into the red, which may have been due to the use of expensive direct mail fundraising techniques. To offset his socially moderate stances, Kemp clarified his opposition to abortion, his support of the Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI) and his support for a stronger military than that favored by Secretary of State George Shultz. To position himself as Reagan's successor, Kemp called for Shultz's resignation based on claims that Shultz had neglected freedom fighters in Afghanistan and Nicaragua and had waffled on SDI. Despite a platform covering the full range of political subjects, Kemp's primary campaign weapon was a fiscal policy based on tax cuts. As part of his fiscal policy, he opposed a Social Security benefits freeze and endorsed a freeze on government spending. Some viewed Kemp's supply-side stance as an attempt to ignore the national budget deficit. In late 1987, political pundits saw that Kemp needed to gain support from the far right on non-social issues. Kemp was among the majority of Republican candidates in opposition to Reagan's INF Treaty agreement with the Soviet Union's Mikhail Gorbachev despite general Republican voter approval of the treaty. With aspirations of support from right-wing voters, all candidates with low levels of poll support for the nomination took this same "sabre-rattling" stand. By early 1988, the moderates (Bush and Dole) were clearly the front-runners and Kemp was battling with Pat Robertson as the conservative alternative to the moderates.

He used a somewhat negative advertising campaign that seemed to have the intended initial effect of boosting him to serious contention. His 1988 campaign was based on the platform of supply-side economics and inner-city enterprise zones. In Bare Knuckles and Back Rooms: My Life in American Politics, campaign chairman Rollins described Kemp as a candidate with foibles. Kemp's campaign managers say he was unmanageable: he ignored timers on his speeches, refused to call contributors, and refused to practice for debates. A humbling Super Tuesday, in which his 39 delegate total was fewer than eventual nominee and President Bush and both Dole and Pat Robertson, ended his campaign. After withdrawing from the race, he was still considered a contender for the Vice President nomination. In 1989, the Kemps switched their official residence from Hamburg, New York to Bethesda, Maryland, their current residence. In 1994, Kemp's 1988 campaign reached a settlement with the Federal Election Commission by agreeing to pay $120,000 in civil penalties for 1988 campaign election law violations for, among other things, excessive contributions, improper direct corporate donations, press overbilling, exceeding spending limits in Iowa and New Hampshire, and failure to reimburse corporations for providing air transportation.

As a bleeding-heart conservative, Kemp was a logical choice for Bush as the Secretary of Housing and Urban Development, whose job would be to foster public sector and private sector methods to meet the demands of public housing. However, the scandals of Reagan's Secretary of Housing and Urban Development Samuel Pierce and the neglect of the president were obstacles from the start, and Kemp was unsuccessful at either of his major initiatives: enacting enterprise zones and promoting public housing tenant ownership. The goal of these two plans was to change public housing into tenant-owned residences and to lure industry and business into inner cities with federal incentives. Although Kemp did not affect much policy as HUD's director, he cleaned up HUD's reputation, and developed a plan to salvage the troubled Federal Housing Administration. He halted or revamped corrupt programs and developed an antidrug offensive, which enabled him to collaborate with Director of the National Drug Control Policy Bill Bennett. He supported "Operation Clean Sweep" and similar movements to prohibit firearm possession in public housing.

Although Kemp coaxed Bush to support a $4 billion housing program that encouraged public housing tenants to buy their own apartments, the Democratic Congress only allocated $361 million to the plan. In addition to opposition in Congress, Kemp fought White House Budget Director Richard Darman, who opposed Kemp's pet project HOPE (Homeownership and Opportunity for People Everywhere). The project involved selling public housing to its tenants. Darman also opposed Kemp's proposed welfare adjustment of government offsets. HOPE was first proposed to White House chief of staff John Sununu in June 1989 to create enterprise zones, increase subsidies for low-income renters, expand social services for the homeless and elderly, and enact tax changes to help first-time home buyers. Sununu opposed it at first as did most of the Cabinet, but in August 1990 Sununu, at the urging of United States Attorney General Dick Thornburgh, encouraged President Bush to endorse Kemp's Economic Empowerment Task Force. However, the Persian Gulf War and the budget negotiations overshadowed Kemp's new project. Darman battled Kemp and his allies such as Gingrich, James Pinkerton, and Vin Weber. The budget left him with $256 million for his plan, which Kemp increased during some appropriations battles. Soon after Clayton Yeutter was appointed chief White House domestic policy advisor, Kemp's Economic Empowerment Task Force was abolished.

President Bush avoided federal antipoverty issues, and instead used Kemp as a mouthpiece to speak on the administration's low priority conservative activist agenda. Bush's contribution to the urban agenda had been volunteerism through his "Points of Light" theme, and Kemp received stronger support for his ideas from Presidential candidate Bill Clinton. By the time of the Los Angeles riots of 1992, Bush was a bit late in supporting enterprise zones, tenant ownership and welfare reform: Mort Zuckerman compared Bush's vision on racial issues to that of a man riding backwards in a railroad car. Nonetheless, the riots made Kemp a focal point of the administration, even though at first, Kemp had been overlooked. However, Charles E. Schumer had probably summarized the prospects of Kemp's success in advance best when he said in 1989, "Good ideas with money can do a whole lot. Good ideas without money aren't probably going to do a whole lot," and the issue here was the decision not to fund Kemp's ideas. Although Kemp was unable to procure money for his visions, he was among the administration's leading users of first class corporate jets. He cited lingering effects from a knee injury as the reason he had to fly first class at government expense as the Housing Secretary.

Generally, his time as Housing Secretary was considered unsuccessful. However, although he could not get federal funding for empowerment zones passed during his tenure, by 1992 38 states had created empowerment zones, and in 1994 $3.5 billion was approved for them under President Clinton. A free market Kemp initiative to allow homeowners to subdivide their houses for the purpose of creating rental units without inordinate bureaucracy did not get executed under the Clinton administration, however. In 1992, with H. Ross Perot mounting a formidable campaign, Kemp was again considered a Vice Presidential candidate.

Kemp was partly at fault for not achieving either of his primary goals because he did not get along with the rest of the Cabinet. At one point, Kemp told James Baker, White House Chief of Staff, that Bush's best chance to win re-election was to dump his economic advisors in dramatic fashion. Before the 1992 Republican National Convention, Kemp and six prominent Republican conservatives prepared a controversial memo urging Bush to revise his economic policy. Contemporaneously, conservative Republicans in office and in the media such as William F. Buckley, Jr. and George Will felt Dan Quayle should be ousted in favor of Kemp. This followed Kemp's reference to parts of the President's economic policy as "gimmicks" after the 1992 State of the Union Address. Kemp was respected within the party for opposing Bush, and towards the end of Bush's administration insiders recognized his value. In late 1991, 81 of the 166 Republican Congressmen signed a letter co-authored by Curt Weldon and Dan Burton requesting that Bush cede some domestic authority to Kemp as a "domestic policy czar." The letter, highlighting Kemp's "energy, enthusiasm and national clout", insulted Bush. Kemp was a bit of a surprise to stay in the Bush Cabinet for the duration of his presidency, and he was described as one of the few Bush Administration members who would take tough stands. Kemp did not expect to be retained if the Republicans were reelected in 1992, and some pundits agreed with him.

Kemp gave public speeches for $35,000 apiece between his time as Housing Secretary and his Vice Presidential nomination. By 1994, Kemp had embarked on 241 fund-raising dinners to raise $35 million for a 1996 Presidential bid and to pay off his 1988 campaign debts. After stepping down from his $189,000 Secretary of Housing and Urban Development job, Kemp personally earned $6.9 million in the next three years, primarily for speaking on behalf of local Republican candidates. During the Super Bowl XXVIII festivities, Kemp hosted a notable fundraiser series.

Kemp was considered the star of the 1992 Republican National Convention. In 1992 and 1993, Kemp was considered the favorite or co-favorite for the 1996 Presidential nomination. At the time of the 1994 mid-term elections, Kemp was widely anticipated to announce his candidacy for 1996, and his supporters wanted a formal announcement by the end of the year. In January 1995, Kemp's stated reason for not entering the 1996 Republican Party presidential primaries was that his personal beliefs were out of balance with the contemporary Republican political landscape: Kemp opposed term limits, he always preferred tax cuts to anything resembling a balanced budget amendment and, unlike the most Republicans, favored federal incentives to combat urban poverty. In 1995, Gloria Borger noted Kemp was not in step with the 1994 Contract with America. Kemp also noted a distaste for the vast fundraising necessary for a Presidential campaign. Gergen stated that by 1996 the selection process had become so expensive, mean and personally invasive that it discouraged several top Republicans from running. In 1995, while the world awaited the campaign decision announcement by Colin Powell, Kemp had positive thoughts on the prospect of such a campaign.

Senate Majority Leader Dole and Gingrich appointed Kemp to head a tax reform commission in response to voter concern that the tax code had become too complicated. Kemp championed many issues including the flat tax, which he formally proposed after he was appointed. The proposal included some politically popular income tax deductions, such as mortgage interest, but it remained fairly general. Among the 1996 Republican Party candidates, both Steve Forbes and Phil Gramm proposed the flat tax.

During the campaign, Kemp's endorsement was highly coveted. Forbes had tried to get Kemp to run in the 1996 campaign, but Kemp declined and in fact endorsed Forbes just as Dole was closing in on the nomination, and just after Dole gained the endorsements of former contenders Lamar Alexander and Richard Lugar. Some feel the primary reason for the endorsement was to keep the flat tax idea and other supply-side views alive. Many thought Kemp had destroyed his own political future with the endorsement, and Kemp profusely apologized to Dole's campaign offices. After it became clear Dole would be the nominee, Kemp attempted to form a bipartisan seminar with Felix Rohatyn to produce a fiscal plan that could be endorsed by both parties.

Kemp was also outspoken on immigration on around this time: according to Kemp's interpretation of a scientific index that he and Bennett support, "immigrants are a blessing, not a curse." In 1994, Kemp and Bennett opposed California ballot Proposition 187, a measure to bar illegal immigrants from obtaining public services, in direct opposition to first-term Republican California Governor Pete Wilson, one of its endorsers who was running for re-election. Republican Senate candidate Michael Huffington had also endorsed the proposition. Kemp supported rights for illegal immigrants, but opposed Lamar Smith and Alan Simpson's proposed restrictions on legal immigration.

Kemp had a reputation as the highest-profile progressive Republican. When Dole declined an invitation to speak to the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People, he suggested Kemp as a substitute even before Kemp had become the Vice Presidential nominee. On August 5, 1996, Dole announced a 15% flat tax in response to both the Forbes campaign and Kemp's tax reform commission. Several of Dole's other campaign ideas came from Kemp and Bill Bennett's Empower America, which had Jeane Kirkpatrick, Weber, Forbes and Alexander as principals. For example, Dole borrowed Kirkpatrick's tough foreign policy, Bennett's "right conduct" and even Alexander's school choice interest.

Bennett declined the offer to be Dole's running mate, but suggested Kemp, a man described as Dole's antagonist. On August 16, 1996, the Republican Party chose Kemp as its 1996 vice presidential nominee, running alongside former Senator Dole. Kemp was seen as a means to attract conservative and libertarian-minded voters like those of tough nomination-challengers Forbes and Pat Buchanan. Kemp was chosen over Connie Mack, John McCain, and Carroll Campbell, and it is assumed that this was partly because Kemp had several former staffers in influential positions as Dole's senior advisors. Dole had had a long history of representing the budget-balancing faction of the Party, while Kemp had had a long history of representing the tax-cutting advocates, and Kemp's tax-cutting fiscal track record was seen as the perfect fit for the ticket. When Kemp became Dole's running mate in 1996, they appeared on the cover of the August 19, 1996 issue of Time magazine, but the pair barely edged out a story on the reported discovery of extraterrestrial life on Mars, which was so close to being the cover story that Time inset it on the cover and wrote about how difficult the decision was.

The two politicians had a storied history stemming from alternative perspectives and objectives. Dole was a longstanding conservative deficit-hawk who had even voted against John F. Kennedy's tax cuts, while Kemp was an outspoken supply-sider. In the early 1980s, according to David Stockman, Kemp convinced Reagan to make a 30 percent across-the-board tax cut a central 1980 presidential campaign feature. Once Reagan was elected, Dole was the Senate Finance Committee Chairman who Kemp claims resisted the plan every step of the way. Dole concedes he expressed reservations about the 1981 plan. The big confrontation came after the tax plan was approved and after Dole subsequently proposed tax increases that he referred to as reforms. Kemp was vocal in his opposition to the reforms and even penned an op-ed piece in The New York Times, which enraged Dole. Reagan supported the reforms at Dole's request, causing Kemp to summon allies to meetings to stop the act, which eventually passed in 1982. At the 1984 Republican National Convention, Kemp, along with allies such as Gingrich and Lott, added a plank to the party platform that put President Reagan on record as ruling out tax increases. Gingrich called this action "Dole-proofing" the platform, and the plank passed over Dole's opposition. Then, in 1985, Dole proposed an austere budget that barely passed in the senate with appendectomy patient Pete Wilson casting the tieing vote and Vice President Bush casting the deciding vote. In meetings with the President that excluded Dole, Kemp reworked the budget to exclude crucial Social Security cutbacks. This is said to have been Dole's most crushing political defeat and to have contributed to the Republican loss of control of the Senate. During the 1988 Presidential election, the two antagonized each other. After Bush won and Kemp left Congress for the Cabinet, the two did not really cross paths again until 1996, when Kemp endorsed Dole's opponent Forbes on the eve of the New York Primary in March.

Dole despised Kemp's economic theories, but he felt Kemp-like tax cuts offered his best chance at electoral success. For his part, Kemp had to make concessions as well: he had to back expelling the children of illegal immigrants from public schools despite his longstanding opposition to Proposition 187 and mute his opposition to abolishing affirmative-action programs in California. Some derided Kemp for his compromise and referred to him as a "con artist." From the outset of their campaign, Dole-Kemp trailed, and they faced skeptics even from within the party. However, Kemp was able to use the nomination to promote his opposition to Clinton's partial birth abortion ban veto. During the campaign, Kemp and Forbes advocated for a stronger stand on tax cutting than Dole used. However, in general, the opinion was that Kemp was helpful to the ticket's chances of catching Bill Clinton, and Kemp's advocacy gave a clear picture of the tax reforms that would likely occur on the condition of a successful campaign. Kemp was seen as likely to influence several types of swing voters, especially those of his native state of California, and even the Democrats feared Kemp might lure voters.

After receiving the nomination, Kemp became the ticket’s spokesman for minorities and the inner-city. Due to agreement on the self-help policy that Louis Farrakhan has endorsed in many fora including the Million Man March, Kemp in a sense aligned himself with Farrakhan. However, Farrakhan is perceived as being anti-Semitic, and Kemp is considered an ally of Republican Jews. This issue necessitated some political sidestepping. As the nominee, Kemp at times overshadowed Dole. In fact, more than once, Kemp was described as if he was the Presidential nominee. In addition to having overshadowed Dole, despite the negative ad campaigns that the ticket used, Kemp was a very positive running mate who relied on a pep rally type of campaign tour full of football-related metaphors and hyperbole. Although some enjoyed Kemp's style, referring to him as the Good Shepherd, his detractors, such as U.S. News & World Report writer Steven V. Roberts, criticized the extensive use of recounting stories of passing balls relative to the use of recounting stories of passing bills. During the campaign, Kemp expressed the opinion that the Republican party leaders did not stand behind the ticket wholeheartedly. Despite Kemp's voice on minority issues, Colin Powell's support and polls that showed about 30% of blacks identified themselves as conservatives on issues such as school prayer, school vouchers and criminal justice, the Republicans were unable to improve upon historical support levels from African-American voters.

Both Gore and Kemp had Presidential aspirations, which induced pursuit of debate on a higher plane. In addition, Gore and Kemp were long-time friends, unlike Gore and his previous Vice Presidential opponent Quayle. Thus, as debaters they avoided personal attacks. However, some felt Kemp failed to counter substantive attacks. In the final October 9, 1996 Vice Presidential Debate against Al Gore (held as the Dole–Kemp ticket trailed badly in the national polls), Kemp was soundly beaten, and Al Gore's performance is considered one of the best modern debate performances. The debate topics ranged broadly from the usual such as abortion and foreign policy to the unusual such as an incident preceding the then-current baseball playoffs, in which Roberto Alomar, the Baltimore Orioles' second baseman, cursed and spat on an umpire. The Mexico policy debate was one of the more interesting topics for critical review. The Gore victory was not a surprise since Kemp had been outmatched by Gore in previous encounters, and Gore had a reputation as an experienced and vaunted debater.

His legacy includes the Kemp–Roth Tax Cut of the 1980s, also known as the first of two "Reagan tax cuts". These served as the foundation of supply-side economics, known as Reaganomics. Many Republicans have endorsed this Laffer Curve view that tax cuts spur economic growth and reduce deficits. Although George H. W. Bush called this philosophy voodoo economics, George W. Bush and his Treasury Secretary, John W. Snow, were believers. Kemp is also remembered alongside George Wallace and William Jennings Bryan for influencing history by changing the direction of presidential elections despite their defeats.

In the early 21st century, Kemp continued to be considered along with Reagan as the politician most responsible for the implementation of supply-side tax cuts and along with Steve Forbes as the political figure most responsible for their continued place in the marketplace of political ideas. He has been described as a beacon of economic conservatism and a hero for his urban agenda. Today, he continues to be described as a hero to fiscal conservatives who believe that free markets and low taxes work better than government bureaucracies. Kemp was considered the leader of the progressive conservatives who adhere to the hard right on social issues, but avoid protectionist fiscal and trade policy.

In addition to Roth, he has had numerous political allies. At times, he collaborated with Gingrich and Lott on deregulation and tax cuts, collaborated with McCain and Phil Gramm on tax cuts and spending restraints, legislated with and campaigned for Joseph Lieberman, and fought poverty with James Pinkerton. Pete du Pont was a progressive conservative ally. After retiring from Congress and serving in the Cabinet, Kemp remained close to Gingrich, Lott, Weber and Mack. Kemp was a member of the federal committee to promote Martin Luther King, Jr. Day as a national holiday. As a progressive voter, he has civil rights leaders such as Benjamin Hooks, Andrew Young and Coretta Scott King and conservative black intellectuals like Glenn C. Loury and Robert L. Woodson as supporters and friends. He boasted of having Democratic friends such as William H. Gray III, Charles B. Rangel and Robert Garcia. Ken Blackwell was a Deputy Secretary under Kemp. During the Reagan presidency, when Kemp was able to effect tax cutting, a leading United States Senate tax-cutting proponent was Democrat Bill Bradley, a former basketball star. Several American football players have followed Kemp to Congress: Steve Largent, J. C. Watts, and Heath Shuler.

In 1993, Kemp, Bennett, Kirkpatrick and financial backer Theodore Forstmann co-founded the free market advocacy group Empower America, which later merged with Citizens for a Sound Economy to form Freedom Works. Empower America represented the populist wing of the party: while avoiding divisive issues such as abortion and gay rights, it promoted free markets and growth over balancing the budget and cutting the deficit. He resigned as Co-Chairman of Freedom Works in March 2005 after the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) questioned his ties to Samir Vincent, a Northern Virginia oil trader implicated in the U.N. Oil-for-food scandal who pled guilty to four criminal charges, including illegally acting as an unregistered lobbyist of the Iraqi government of Saddam Hussein. Testimony about Kemp became prominent in the trial. Also, FBI informant Richard Fino tied Kemp to James Cosentino just weeks before the 1996 election.

By 1996, Kemp had been named a director of six corporate boards. He has been a director for Hawk Corporation, IDT Corporation, CNL Hotels and Resorts, InPhonic, Cyrix Corporation and American Bankers Insurance Group. Kemp has served on the board of Oracle Corporation, which is owned by friend Larry Ellison, since 1996 and was named to the board of Six Flags, Inc. in December 2005. Kemp opted not to stand for re-election to IDT's board in 2006. He also serves on the Habitat for Humanity Board of Directors, and has served on the board of Atlanta-based software maker EzGov Inc. Kemp is the founder and chairman of Kemp Partners, a strategic consulting firm that helps clients achieve both business and public policy goals.

In addition to corporate boards of directors, Kemp has served on several advisory boards such as the UCLA School of Public Policy Advisory Board, and the Toyota Diversity Advisory Board as well as the Howard University Board of Trustees, which he has served since 1993. On March 25, 2003, Kemp was selected as Chairman of the Board of Directors of USA Football, a national advocacy group for amateur football created by the National Football League (NFL) and the NFL Players Association. The organization supports Pop Warner, American Youth Football, Boys and Girls Clubs Of America, National Recreation and Park Association, Police Athletic League, YMCA and the Amateur Athletic Union. He is also vice president of NFL Charities.

In the late 1990s, Kemp remained outspoken on political issues: he was critical of Clinton's International Monetary Fund lax policies toward South Korea. In early 1998, he was a serious contender for the 2000 United States presidential election, but his campaign possibilities faltered, and he instead endorsed eventual winner George W. Bush. Kemp has continued his political advocacy for reform of taxation, Social Security and education. When a 1997 budget surplus was earmarked for debt repayment, Kemp opposed the plan in favor of tax cuts. Along with John Ashcroft and Alan Krueger, he endorsed reform of payroll taxes to eliminate double taxation. In addition to his fiscal and economic policies, Kemp advocated against abortion when Congress was considering a bill banning partial-birth abortions. He also advocates for retired NFL veterans on issues such as cardiovascular screening, assisted living, disability benefits, and the 2007 joint replacement program. He has argued in support of reforming immigration laws. In the late 1990s, Kemp also was a vocal advocate for free market reform in Africa, arguing that the continent had great economic growth potential if it could shed autocratic and statist governmental policies.

In 1997, when Gingrich was embroiled in a House ethics controversy, Kemp served as an intermediary between Dole and Gingrich to save the Republican Party leader. Later, in 2002, when Lott made caustic remarks about Strom Thurmond, Kemp was upset, and he supported Lott's apology, saying he had encouraged him to "repudiate segregation in every manifestation." Kemp was among the prominent leaders who pledged to raise money in 2005 for Scooter Libby's defense when he was charged with perjury and obstruction of justice in a case regarding the release of Central Intelligence Agency information.

In 2006, Kemp, along with 2004 vice-presidential nominee John Edwards, co-chaired the Council on Foreign Relations task force on Russia, producing a document called "Russia’s Wrong Direction: What the United States Can and Should Do". After their task force roles ended, the pair advocated solutions to poverty in America at various fora. As of May 2007, Kemp sat on the board of the Yellowstone Club. Former cyclist Greg LeMond has accused founder Timothy Blixseth of borrowing hundreds of millions of dollars from the club without collateral. Blixeth settled the suit for $39.5 million and turned over control of the club to his wife. Subsequently, Edra Blixseth filed for bankruptcy.

On January 6, 2008, Kemp endorsed McCain in the 2008 Republican presidential primaries shortly before the New Hampshire primary, which surprised conservative Republican tax cutters. However, as McCain neared the official nomination, the press associated McCain with Kemp more and more. Kemp prepared an open letter to Sean Hannity, Rush Limbaugh, Laura Ingraham and other conservative talk show hosts on McCain's behalf to quell their dissatisfactions. In addition, Kemp and Phil Gramm advised McCain on economic policy.

In February 2008, Kemp was associated with a group called "Defense of Democracies" that was advocating an electronic surveillance bill that failed in the House of Representatives. The group's television ad caused such controversy that some of its advisors, including Schumer and Donna Brazile, resigned.

Kemp donated to Pepperdine University's School of Public Policy to establish the Jack F. Kemp Institute of Political Economy. Wayne Angell, James Baker, Bennett, Michael Boskin, Edwin Feulner, Forbes, George Gilder, Carla Hills, Larry Kudlow, Laffer, Ed Meese, Mundell, Michael Novak, and Watts endorsed the Institute and agreed to lecture at Pepperdine, and to serve on an advisory committee. The Institute would create The Jack F. Kemp Library to house Kemp's papers; establish the Jack F. Kemp Distinguished Visiting Chair; and fund annual public lectures and conferences at the School.

On January 7, 2009, his office issued a statement announcing that Kemp is currently battling cancer; the type of cancer and the anticipated treatment were not announced. He is awaiting diagnosis and prognosis. He intends to continue to serve as chairman of his Washington-based Kemp Partners consulting firm and to continue his involvement in charitable and political work. Recent problems with his hip led to the medical evaluation that revealed the cancer.

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United States House Committee on the Judiciary

President Gerald Ford appears at a House Judiciary Subcommittee hearing regarding his pardon of Richard Nixon.

U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary, or (more commonly) the House Judiciary Committee, is a standing committee of the United States House of Representatives. It is charged with overseeing the administration of justice within the federal courts, administrative agencies and Federal law enforcement entities. The Judiciary Committee is also the committee responsible for impeachments of federal officials. Because of the legal nature of its oversight, committee members usually have a legal background, but it is not required.

In the 111th Congress, the current chairman of the committee is Democrat John Conyers of Michigan, and the ranking minority member is Republican Lamar Smith of Texas.

The committee was created on June 3, 1813 for the purpose of considering legislation related to the judicial system. This committee approved articles of impeachment against three Presidents: Andrew Johnson (1868), Richard Nixon (1974), and Bill Clinton (1998).

There are 23 Democrats and 16 Republicans on the committee during the 111th Congress.

The Antitrust Task Force during the 108th Congress existed from March 26, 2003, to September 26, 2003. All Judiciary Committee Members also served as members of the Task Force., and conducted hearings and investigations into consolidation of the Bell Telephone Companies.

The Antitrust Task Force during the 110th Congress was established February 28, 2007, as a temporary subcommittee to examine the pending merger between XM Radio and Sirius Satellite Radio. The task force operated like any other subcommittee, except that it only hads a six-month term. House Rules limit each full committee to just five subcommittees, and any task force, special subcommittee, or other subunit of a standing committee that is established for a cumulative period longer than six months in a Congress counts against that total. A longer term for the task force would cause the Judiciary Committee to exceed this limit.

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History of the Miami Dolphins

This article details the history of the Miami Dolphins American football club.

Miami joined the American Football League (AFL) when an expansion team franchise was awarded to lawyer Joseph Robbie and actor Danny Thomas in 1965 for $7.5 million, although Thomas would eventually sell his stake in the team to Robbie. A contest was held in 1965 to find the name of the new Miami franchise for the American Football League. 19,843 entries were submitted with over a thousand different names. A dozen finalists were screened through by a seven-member committee made up of the local media, names considered included the Mariners, Marauders, Mustangs, Missiles, Moons, Sharks, and Suns. The winning name, "Dolphins," was submitted by 622 entrants. Mrs. Robert Swanson of West Miami won lifetime passes to Dolphin games when her nickname entry successfully predicted the winner and score of the 1965 football game between Notre Dame and the University of Miami, a scoreless tie.

The Dolphins began play in 1966 at their original home stadium the Orange Bowl, with running back Joe Auer returning the opening kickoff 95 yards for the team's first score against the Oakland Raiders. The Dolphins lost the game 23–14 en route to a 3–11 inaugural season. After four consecutive losing seasons and a brief flirtation with University of Alabama head coach Paul "Bear" Bryant, Don Shula replaced George Wilson as head coach. Miami joined the NFL in 1970 when the NFL and AFL completed their merger.

The Dolphins had a combined 15–39–2 record in its first four seasons when Shula, a former Paul Brown disciple who had been lured from the Baltimore Colts after first losing Super Bowl III two seasons earlier to the AFL's New York Jets and finishing 8–5–1 the following season, was hired as head coach. The Colts charged the Dolphins with tampering in gaining Shula, which cost them their first round draft pick in 1970. Shula introduced himself to the Miami press by saying that he didn't have any magic formulas and that the only way he knew to make his teams successful was through hard work. Shula's early training camps with the Dolphins would soon be the stuff of sweltering, painful legend. But Shula's hard work paid immediate dividends, as Miami improved to a 10–4 record and their first-ever playoff appearance, losing 21–14 at Oakland.

The Dolphins were a successful team during the early 1970s, becoming the first team to advance to the Super Bowl for three consecutive seasons. They captured the AFC championship in 1971 behind quarterback Bob Griese and wide receiver Paul Warfield. The AFC Divisional Playoff Game, in which the Dolphins defeated the Kansas City Chiefs, was the longest contest in NFL history (82 minutes 40 seconds). In Super Bowl VI, however, Miami lost to the Dallas Cowboys 24–3.

In 1972 the Dolphins completed the NFL's first perfect season, winning every regular season game, two playoff games and Super Bowl VII, defeating the Washington Redskins 14–7. (The 1948 Cleveland Browns had accomplished an undefeated season, but as members of the All-America Football Conference.) During this season, Griese fell victim to a broken ankle in Week 5 versus the San Diego Chargers and was replaced by veteran Earl Morrall for the rest of the regular season, with Griese returning to the field as a substitute during the AFC Championship game versus the Pittsburgh Steelers and would once again start for Miami in Super Bowl VII. On the ground, running backs Larry Csonka and Mercury Morris became the first teammates to each rush for more than 1,000 yards in a season. The offensive line included future Hall of Fame members Jim Langer and Larry Little and Pro Bowler Bob Kuechenberg. The 1972 Dolphins defensive unit, called the No-Name Defense because Miami’s impressive offense received much more publicity, was the league’s best that year. It was led by linebacker Nick Buoniconti, end Bill Stanfill, and safeties Dick Anderson and Jake Scott.

The Dolphins finished 12–2 after the 1973 regular season and repeated as NFL Champions, beating the Minnesota Vikings 24-7 in Super Bowl VIII at Rice Stadium in Houston. Miami reached the playoffs again in 1974 but lost in the first round to the Oakland Raiders, in what has entered NFL lore as the "Sea of Hands" game, considered one of the greatest games ever played. This devastating loss, which Shula called his toughest ever (he cried in the locker room after the game) and which haunts Dolphin players and fans to this day, marked the end of the Dolphins' dynasty. It would be eight years before the Dolphins would win another playoff game. After the disappointing defeat, several players, including Csonka, Warfield, and running back Jim Kiick, joined the short-lived World Football League. The Dolphins managed to win ten games in 1975, aided by Griese’s consistency and the fine play of wide receiver Nat Moore. They did not make the playoffs however, losing on tiebreakers to the Baltimore Colts.

Miami rebounded from a 6–8 losing record in 1976 by winning ten or more games in four of the next five seasons. Shula built a solid defense around a new set of stars, including linebacker A.J. Duhe and linemen Bob Baumhower and Doug Betters. The Dolphins went 10–4 again in 1977, but again lost the division title (and playoff spot) to the Colts. They made the playoffs as a wild card in 1978, but lost in the first round to the Houston Oilers 17–9.

Csonka returned to the Dolphins in time for the 1979 season. After winning the division with a 10-6 record, the Dolphins lost the divisional playoff 34–14 to the eventual Super Bowl champion Pittsburgh Steelers at Three Rivers Stadium.

In 1980, David Woodley, an athletic quarterback out of LSU, took over for Bob Griese, who severely injured his shoulder in a game against the Baltimore Colts. Griese would never play again, retiring after the season. The Dolphins finished 8-8 and did not make the playoffs.

The Dolphins were back on top of the AFC East in the 1981 NFL season, with an 11–4–1 record. That season, the Dolphins quarterback position was actually manned by both Woodley and back-up quarterback Don Strock, causing the local media to identify the Miami quarterback as "Woodstrock." They reached the divisional playoff against the San Diego Chargers, regarded by some as one of the most memorable games in NFL history, known as The Epic in Miami. After being down 24–0 after the end of the first quarter, back-up quarterback Don Strock entered the game and engineered a frenetic comeback, culminating in the historic "Hook and Lateral" play, in which wide receiver Duriel Harris caught a pass from Strock and immediately lateralled the ball to the streaking running back Tony Nathan for the score on the last play of the half, which cut the Chargers lead to 24–17. After the Dolphins took the lead in the 4th quarter, San Diego tied it up 38–38 with under a minute to play. Chargers tight end Kellen Winslow, playing through exhaustion, blocked Uwe von Schamann's field goal try on the last play of regulation. Von Schamann had another field goal attempt blocked in overtime, and Rolf Benirschke kicked the game-winner for San Diego in overtime. Strock finished the game with 403 passing yards and 4 touchdowns.

In the strike-shortened 1982 NFL season, the Dolphins, led by the "Killer B's" defense (Baumhower, Bill Barnett, Lyle Blackwood, Kim Bokamper, Glenn Blackwood, Doug Betters, and Bob Brudzinski), held five of their nine opponents to 14 or fewer points en route to their fourth Super Bowl appearance. During the first two rounds of the playoffs, they got revenge for previous losses, crushing the Patriots, 28–13 (revenge for the infamous Snow Plow game at Schaeffer Stadium played earlier in the season) and the San Diego Chargers, 34–13 at the Orange Bowl. Late in the season, in a snowy game against the New England Patriots, a convicted felon on work-release cleared a path for Patriots kicker John Smith to score the game-winning field goal. In the first round in Miami, they met again, with the Dolphins winning easily. In the second round against San Diego the Dolphins got revenge for their loss the previous year, winning even more handily. After shutting out the New York Jets in the AFC Championship 14–0, they lost Super Bowl XVII to Washington, 27–17. After enjoying success rooted in a defense-first philosophy, and employing a ball control offense to take pressure off of lack-luster quarterbacks, the next 17 seasons would be marked by an average rushing game and defense that limited a great quarterback.

During the third game against the Los Angeles Raiders during the 1983 season, Shula replaced quarterback David Woodley with rookie Dan Marino, who went on to win the AFC passing title helped by a ratio of 20 touchdowns versus 6 interceptions and rookie of the year award. Seldom sacked by defenders, Marino was protected by an outstanding offensive line as he passed to receivers such as Mark Clayton and Mark Duper. Despite the regular season success (the Dolphins went 12–4 winning their last five regular season games, the only team in the AFC East with a winning record), they were upset in the divisional playoff by the Seattle Seahawks at the Orange Bowl. Defensive end Doug Betters was named the Defensive Player of the Year.

In 1984, the Dolphins won their first 11 games en route to a 14–2 season (the franchise's best 16-game season to date). Marino, in his first full season, produced the most impressive set of passing statistics in NFL history, setting single-season records for most yards (5,084), touchdown passes (48), and completions (362). He was voted NFL MVP. Miami avenged the Seahawks 31–10 and crushed the Steelers 45–28 in the playoffs to get to Super Bowl XIX. In the title game, however, Miami lost to the San Francisco 49ers 38–16. It would be Marino's only Super Bowl appearance.

In 1985 Miami finished 12–4 and was the only team that beat the 15–1 Chicago Bears all year. After just getting by the Cleveland Browns 24–21 after rallying from a 21–3 third quarter deficit in the divisional playoffs. Many people were looking forward to a rematch with Chicago in Super Bowl XX. The Cinderella New England Patriots, the Dolphins' opponents in the AFC Championship, had different plans. New England forced six turnovers on the way to a 31–14 win - the Patriots' first in Miami since 1966. The Patriots has lost 18 games in a row at the Orange Bowl. In 1969, The Boston Patriots beat the Dolphins at Tampa Stadium.

In 1986, the Dolphins, hampered by defensive struggles, stumbled to a 2–5 start and finished 8–8 and missed the playoffs for the first time since 1980. The Dolphins lost their Orange Bowl finale to the New England Patriots 34-27 on Monday Night Football. The problems continued in 1987, with an 8–7 (7–5 in non-strike games) record in a strike-shortened year, their first at new Joe Robbie Stadium. Miami had their first losing season (6–10) since 1976 in 1988, and finished 8–8 following the 1989 regular season.

By 1990 the Dolphins had finally shaped up on defense, and finished with a 12–4 record, second in the AFC East. They beat the Kansas City Chiefs in the wild card round, but lost to the Buffalo Bills in the divisional playoff.

The team struggled with defensive injuries in 1991, and narrowly missed the playoffs on an overtime loss to the New York Jets the final week of the season.

The Dolphins finished 11–5 in 1992, capturing the AFC East title behind Mark Higgs having his best season as a running back and Keith Jackson (newly acquired from the Philadelphia Eagles) as an unrestricted free agent, leading the team in receiving. They beat the Chargers in the divisional playoff 31–0, but were defeated by the Buffalo Bills 29–10 in the AFC Championship.

1993 turned into a disastrous year for the Dolphins. Both Marino and backup Scott Mitchell suffered injuries, and following a memorable win over Dallas on Thanksgiving Day with Steve DeBerg as starting Quarterback, Miami lost its final 5 games to miss the playoffs at 9–7.

With Marino back for the 1994 season they won the AFC East again with a 10–6 record. After beating the Kansas City Chiefs in the wild card round 27–17, they suffered a heart-breaking last-second loss to the San Diego Chargers in the divisional playoff 22–21, where the locker room lights "failed" at halftime at San Diego Jack Murphy Stadium.

In 1995 Marino broke the career passing records formerly held by Fran Tarkenton for yards (48,841), touchdowns (352), and completions (3,913). The Dolphins finished 9-7, second in the AFC East, but still made the playoffs as a wild card, losing to Buffalo in the first round. Following the 1995 season Don Shula (pressed to retire) became an executive in the Dolphins’ front office. Jimmy Johnson, who had won a collegiate national championship at the University of Miami and two Super Bowls with the Dallas Cowboys, was named as Shula’s replacement.

In 1996 Miami finished 8–8 and out of the playoffs, with rookie Karim Abdul-Jabbar's 1,116-yard rushing season one of the lone bright spots. In 1997 Miami stumbled late and backed into the playoffs with a 9–7 season, losing to the New England Patriots in the wild card round.

In 1999 Marino was injured during a game in which backup Damon Huard led a comeback. Miami proceeded to go 2–6 in their last eight games, but still backed into the playoffs at 9–7. After a close win at Seattle in the wild card round 20–17, they suffered the second worst playoff loss in NFL history against the Jacksonville Jaguars: 62–7. After the season, Jimmy Johnson left the team and Marino retired.

The Post Marino Era saw the Dolphins shuffle 9 quarterbacks in 7 years. Before the 2000 season, Dave Wannstedt, formerly of the Chicago Bears, became the new coach, and ex-Jacksonville Jaguars backup Jay Fiedler became the new quarterback, even though Damon Huard had been considered the favorite. Despite lowered expectations, the defense broke through with Jason Taylor and Trace Armstrong each getting 10 sacks, and four players (Sam Madison, Brian Walker, Brock Marion and Patrick Surtain) tallying at least five interceptions. In addition, Lamar Smith rushed for 1,139 yards, and Miami finished atop the AFC East with an 11-5 record. In the first round of the playoffs, Miami took the Indianapolis Colts to overtime and won on a Lamar Smith touchdown run. Lamar finished with 209 yards on 40 carries, but in the next round, the Dolphins were shut out by the Oakland Raiders, and Smith was barely able to run.

The 2001 offseason brought in rookie Chris Chambers at wide receiver, but Trace Armstrong left, as did two offensive linemen, Richmond Webb and Kevin Donnalley. In the 2001 season the Dolphins finished 11–5. Mediocre offensive line play and a pedestrian offense kept Miami from being successful running the ball, and they were shut out twice on the year. Despite it all, the solid defense kept them in it and they earned a wild card with an 11–5 record, finishing second in the AFC East title behind eventual Super Bowl champion New England Patriots. The Dolphins lost in the first round of the playoffs 20–3 to the Baltimore Ravens.

Miami revitalized its running game in time for the 2002 season by trading for New Orleans Saints running back Ricky Williams. In addition, rookie tight end Randy McMichael made his presence felt. The Dolphins, behind a new offensive scheme under freshly hired offensive coordinator Norv Turner, and a power running game lead by Ricky Williams, quickly rushed out to a 5–1 start, including an incredible last minute comeback by Fiedler against the Broncos. However, Fiedler injured his thumb and would be out for an extended period of time. This had excited many Dolphins fans, as many believed backup Ray Lucas could outdo the much-maligned Fiedler. However, Lucas was abysmal in his first two games and merely average in his third, and the team dropped three straight. Miami rebounded with wins over Baltimore and an impressive thumping of San Diego, but lost to Buffalo. Still, Miami pulled off an impressive win over the Oakland Raiders and sat at 9–5 with two weeks left in the season, in prime position to steal the AFC East. However, despite dominating the New England Patriots for most of the game in week 17, the Dolphins blew an 11-point lead with mere minutes remaining in the game led to a heartbreaking loss. Due to a tiebreaker, both the Dolphins and Patriots lost out on the playoffs as the Jets took the AFC East title. Fans wanted Wannstedt's firing, but he was kept on for the 2003 season. Despite it all, the team believed it had plenty to look forward to, as Ricky Williams broke Dolphins records with 1,853 rushing yards and 16 touchdowns on the ground. The real culprit of Miami's demise was their poor play on the road, in which the team finished 2–6 and the defense surrendered over 370 yards a game.

The 2003 Miami Dolphins were a hard team to pinpoint. The defense was again solid and forced a lot of turnovers, and running the ball was extremely difficult against these boys. However, poor offensive line play (despite most of the starters returning) gave little room for Ricky to run, and the offense was stagnant. The Dolphins began with a repeat of 2002's season end, with a complete meltdown against the Houston Texans, but they rebounded to win four straight games. During a crushing overtime loss at the hands of the Patriots, Jay Fiedler was injured, forcing newly acquired backup Brian Griese to lead the Dolphins to victory the next week over San Diego. That, however, was Griese's high point, and after a good showing against Indianapolis in a losing effort, he was lousy against the Titans and highly ineffective against the Ravens. When Griese had the Dolphins losing to the mediocre Washington Redskins, Jay Fiedler came off the bench and saved their season, leading them to a comeback victory, 24–23. Miami looked like it might rebound, with a victory that same week over the Dallas Cowboys to take them to 8–4, but two key losses to the Patriots and the Eagles ended Miami's chances at the playoffs. Miami finished 10–6, but was still short of a playoff spot.

The 2004 offseason was disastrous for the Dolphins. Tight end Randy McMichael was arrested for domestic violence and wide receiver David Boston (signed from San Diego) suffered an injury in training camp and missed the entire season (Boston also failed a drug test for steroids later in the season). But the biggest shock came when Ricky Williams retired for then-unspecified reasons, until it was eventually revealed that a) Williams had recently suffered his third strike under the NFL's substance abuse policy, and b) to a lesser degree felt he was unnecessarily overused by Wannstedt. Many experts predicted a disastrous season for the Dolphins. These predictions proved right as Miami dropped their first six games of the 2004 year, marking the worst start in franchise history. After a 1–8 start, Wannstedt resigned on November 9, 2004. He was replaced on an interim basis by defensive coordinator Jim Bates. The Dolphins fared better under Bates, winning three of their final seven games, including a 29–28 upset victory over the defending champion Patriots on December 20 in a nationally televised Monday Night Football contest. Despite this, the Dolphins decided not to hire Bates for the permanent coaching position. Instead, they hired LSU coach Nick Saban.

In 2005, the offseason saw many changes for the Dolphins as Saban began to mold the team in his image. The team selected Auburn running back Ronnie Brown in the first round of the 2005 NFL Draft. The Dolphins also signed veteran quarterback Gus Frerotte, who would win the starting job over A.J. Feeley, who was a disappointment in 2004, after Miami gave up a second-round pick to the Philadelphia Eagles in exchange for Feeley. At the 2005 trade deadline, Feeley and a seventh-rounder were dealt to the San Diego Chargers for Cleo Lemon. Cornerback Patrick Surtain was traded to the Kansas City Chiefs in exchange for their second-round pick. Finally, Ricky Williams returned to the team. However, he had to sit out the first four games of the 2005 season due to violations of the NFL's substance abuse policy that he had ducked out on in 2004.

The Dolphins began their 2005 regular season with a bang. The Dolphins won their Week 1 home-opener against the Denver Broncos 34–10, giving Nick Saban his very first NFL win. Despite going on the road and losing to division rival New York Jets (17–7), the Dolphins won a tough game at home against the Carolina Panthers 27–24. After their Week 4 bye, they lost their next two road games to their division rival Buffalo Bills (20–14) and the Tampa Bay Buccaneers (27–13). Not even Ricky Williams's return against the Bucs was enough.

On Friday, October 21, the Dolphins had to play their home game against the Kansas City Chiefs two days early, because of Hurricane Wilma. The Dolphins lost 30–20, making them 0–3 in home games that had to be rescheduled because of a hurricane since the 2004 season. They would win next week at LSU's Tiger Stadium against the New Orleans Saints 21–6, but would lose their next three games. During that time, they lost two home games to the Atlanta Falcons (17–10) and their division rival New England Patriots (23–16) before getting shut out on the road against the Cleveland Browns (22–0). When things looked grim, the Dolphins regrouped and began gaining steam, winning six games in a row. First, they won on the road against the Oakland Raiders (33–21). Then Miami gained a measure of revenge against their division rival Buffalo Bills at home (24–23) with a late fourth quarter comeback engineered by backup quarterback Sage Rosenfels, Then the Dolphins pulled off an upset victory over the San Diego Chargers (23–21). Finally Miami beat the New York Jets by a score of 24–20, extending their winning streak to four games. The win also put them at the .500 mark (7–7), although wins by the Pittsburgh Steelers and San Diego Chargers put them out of playoff contention. The next week, on Christmas Eve, they achieved their fifth victory in a row with a 24–10 victory over the Tennessee Titans, which guaranteed them not to finish with a losing record. The team closed out their 40th season with a 28–26 victory at New England to finish the 2005 campaign at 9–7. On a side note, this was the first time since January 24, 2000 that the Dolphins were able to beat the Patriots in Foxborough.

During the 2006 preseason, Sports Illustrated touted the Dolphins to be one of the teams heading to the Super Bowl XLI. They were predicted to lose by a field goal to the Carolina Panthers in their own Dolphin Stadium. Before the season began, Ricky Williams tested positive for the 4th time for violating the NFLs substance abuse policy, ending his season. The season started out with a rough loss to the defending Super Bowl Champions The Pittsburgh Steelers. The Dolphins went on to start the season with a record of 1–6. However they had seemed to have turned something around midseason, much like the previous year's late-season surge. However, with a 6-8 record after a loss to Buffalo in Week 15, they were assured to once again miss the playoffs. The team finished 6-10 after a loss to the Colts in their final game.

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Source : Wikipedia