White House Counsel

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Posted by sonny 03/04/2009 @ 00:12

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White House Counsel

The White House Counsel is a staff appointee of the President of the United States.

The Counsel's role is to advise the President on all legal issues concerning the President and the White House. The current White House Counsel is Greg Craig.

The Office of Counsel to the President was created in 1943, and is responsible for advising on all legal aspects of policy questions, legal issues arising in connection with the President's decision to sign or veto legislation, ethical questions, financial disclosures, and conflicts of interest during employment and post employment. The Counsel's Office also helps define the line between official and political activities, oversees executive appointments and judicial selection, handles Presidential pardons, reviews legislation and Presidential statements, and handles lawsuits against the President in his role as President, as well as serving as the White House contact for the Department of Justice.

Although the White House Counsel offers legal advice to the President, the Counsel does so in the President's official capacity, and does not serve as the President's personal attorney. Therefore, controversy has emerged over the scope of the attorney-client privilege between the Counsel and the President. It is clear, however, that the privilege does not apply in personal matters, such as impeachment proceedings; thus, in such situations the President relies on a personal attorney for confidential legal advice.

Of the 20 senior counselors at the commencement of the Obama Administration, eleven are women. Half are from either Harvard Law School or Yale Law School. Two attended Stanford Law School and several other top law schools were represented. Most attended top undergraduate institutions as well.

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White House travel office controversy

The White House Travel Office was responsible for getting the White House press corps into place, including landing before Air Force One in order to get photo opportunities such as this one.

The White House travel office controversy, often referred to as Travelgate, was the first major scandal of the Clinton administration. It began in May 1993, when seven longtime employees of the White House Travel Office were fired, after a brief investigation by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The White House said the action was due to financial improprieties in the office operation. Critics said the actions were done to allow friends of the Clintons to take over the travel business and that the involvement of the FBI was unwarranted. Heavy media attention forced the White House to reinstate most of the employees in other jobs and remove the Clinton associates from the travel role.

Investigations by the FBI and the Department of Justice, the White House itself, the General Accounting Office, the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, and the Whitewater Independent Counsel all took place over the subsequent years. Travel Office Director Billy Dale was charged with embezzlement but found not guilty at trial in 1995. First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton gradually came under scrutiny for allegedly having played a central role in the firings and making false statements about her role in it.

In 1998 Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr exonerated President Bill Clinton of any involvement in the matter. In 2000 Independent Counsel Robert Ray issued his final report on Travelgate, stating that Hillary Clinton had made factually false statements but saying there was insufficient evidence to prosecute her.

The White House Travel Office dates back to the Andrew Jackson administration and serves to handle travel arrangements for the White House press corps, with costs billed to the participating news organizations. By the time of the start of the Clinton administration, it was quartered in the Old Executive Office Building, and had seven employees with a yearly budget of $7 million. Staffers serve at the pleasure of the president; however, in practice, the staffers were career employees who in some cases had worked in the Travel Office since the 1960s and 1970s, through both Democratic and Republican administrations. Travel Office Director Billy Ray Dale had held that position since 1982, serving through most of the Reagan and George H. W. Bush administrations, and had started in the Travel Office in 1961. To handle the frequent last-minute arrangements of presidential travel and the specialized requirements of the press, Dale did not conduct competitive bidding for travel services, but relied upon a charter company called Airline of the Americas.

Republicans and other critics saw the events differently. They alleged that friends of President Bill Clinton, including his third cousin Catherine Cornelius, had sought the firings in order to get the business for themselves. Dale and his staff had been replaced with Little Rock, Arkansas-based World Wide Travel, a company with a substantial reputation in the industry but with several ties to the Clintons. In addition, Hollywood producer and Inauguration chairman Harry Thomason, a friend of both Clintons, and his business partner, Darnell Martens, were looking to get their air charter company, TRM, the White House business in place of Airline of the Americas. The Clinton campaign had been TRM's sole client during 1992, collecting commissions from booking charter flights for the campaign. Martens wanted the White House to award TRM a $500,000 contract for an aircraft audit, while also seeking Travel Office charter business as an intermediary which did not own any planes.

Attention initially focused on the role of the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI), since on May 12, 1993, a week before the firings, associate White House counsel William Kennedy had requested that the FBI look into possible improprieties in the Travel Office operation. FBI agents went there and, although initially reluctant, authorized a preliminary investigation. Deputy White House Counsel Vince Foster became worried about the firings about to take place and ordered the KPMG Peat Marwick review. The review started on May 14 and the report was given to the White House on May 17; KPMG was unable to do an actual audit, because there were so few records in the travel office that could be audited. When the review came back with its reports of irregularities, Watkins went ahead with the terminations on May 19.

On July 3, 1993, the White House issued its own "strikingly self-critical" 80-page report on the firings. Co-written by Chief of Staff McLarty, it criticized five White House officials, included McLarty himself, Watkins, Kennedy, Cornelius, and another, for dismissing the Travel Office members improperly, for appearing to pressure the FBI into its involvement, and for allowing friends of the Clintons to become involved in a matter they had a business stake in. However, the White House said no illegal actions had occurred, and no officials would be terminated; this did not satisfy Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole, who called for an independent investigation. As Chief of Staff McLarty personally apologized to the fired Travel Office employees — some of whom had all their personal documents and travel photographs related to years of service thrown out during the firing process — and said they would be given other jobs (which five of them were; Dale and his assistant director retired.) The White House report also contained the initial indications of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton's involvement in the firings, saying that she had taken an interest in Travel Office mismanagement and had been informed two days in advance that the firings would take place. There was no indication of involvement from President Clinton himself, although he had earlier taken broad public responsibility for what had happened.

The travel office controversy was later judged to have been a factor in Vince Foster's depression and July 20, 1993 suicide; in his torn-up resignation note from a few days before, he wrote "No one in The White House, to my knowledge, violated any law or standard of conduct, including any action in the travel office. There was no intent to benefit any individual or specific group. The press is covering up the illegal benefits they received from the travel staff". Special prosecutor Robert B. Fiske tangentially investigated travel office events during the first half of 1994, as part of investigating the circumstances surrounding Foster's death.

In August 1994, Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr took over from Fiske in investigating Whitewater, Foster, and indirectly the travel office matter. On July 22, 1995, Hillary Clinton gave a deposition under oath to the Independent Counsel that touched on travel office questions; she denied having had a role in the firings, but was unable to recall many specifics of conversations with Foster and Watkins.

In late 1994, following the 1994 Congressional elections which switched Congress from Democratic to Republican control, the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, chaired by Pennsylvania Republican William Clinger, launched an investigation into the White House Travel Office firings. In October 1995, the committee began hearings on the matter; Clinger soon accused the White House of withholding pertinent documents and sought subpoenas to compel witnesses to appear.

Not all investigations were by governmental bodies. Anti-Clinton magazine The American Spectator latched onto Travelgate, as it would other Clinton scandals real and imagined, describing it as "a story about influence-peddling and sleazy deal-making... in the Clinton White House"; publisher R. Emmett Tyrrell, Jr. would claim that the magazine's early Travelgate stories provided useful material to the congressional investigations. In general, Clinton administration controversies such as Travelgate allowed opinion magazines and political debate television shows to attract subscribers and viewers.

Meanwhile, former Travel Office Director Billy Dale was indicted by a federal grand jury on December 7, 1994, on two counts of embezzlement and criminal conversion, charged with wrongfully depositing into his own bank account $68,000 in checks from media organizations traveling with the president during the period between 1988 and 1991. He faced up to 20 years in prison if convicted. Dale's attorneys conceded that funds had been co-mingled, but stated that Dale had not stolen anything but rather used the monies for the substantial tips and off-the-book payments that the job required, especially in foreign countries, and that anything left over was used as a discount against future trips.

At the 13-day trial in October and November 1995, prominent journalists such as ABC News' Sam Donaldson and The Los Angeles Times' Jack Nelson testified as character witnesses on Dale's behalf. Much of the trial focused on the details of the movement of travel office funds into Dale's personal account, and not on the political overtones of the case. The jury deliberated less than two hours before acquitting Dale of both charges on November 16, 1995.

On January 5, 1996, a new development thrust the Travel Office matter again to the forefront. A two year-old memo from White House director of administration David Watkins surfaced that identified First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton as the motivating force behind the firings, with the additional involvement of Vince Foster and Harry Thomason. "Foster regularly informed me that the First Lady was concerned and desired action. The action desired was the firing of the Travel Office staff." Written in fall 1993, apparently intended for McLarty, the Watkins memo also said "we both know that there would be hell to pay" if "we failed to take swift and decisive action in conformity with the First Lady's wishes." This memo contradicted the First Lady's previous statements in the GAO investigation, that she had played no role in the firings and had not consulted with Thomason beforehand; the White House also found it difficult to explain why the memo was so late in surfacing when all the previous investigations had requested all relevant materials. House committee chair Clinger charged a cover-up was taking place and vowed to pursue new material.

As a result of the discovery of the Watkins memo, and based upon a suggestion from the Office of Independent Counsel, on March 20, 1996 Attorney General Janet Reno requested that Whitewater Independent Counsel Kenneth Starr expand his inquiry to specifically include the Travel Office affair, in particular allegations that White House employees had lied about Hillary Clinton's role in the firings, and that David Watkins or Hillary Clinton had made false statements in previous testimony to the GAO, Congress, or the Independent Counsel.

The Congressional investigation continued; on March 21, 1996, Hillary Clinton submitted a deposition under oath to the House Government Reform and Oversight Committee, again acknowledging concern about irregularities in the travel office but denying a direct role in the firings and expressing a lack of recollection to a number of questions. A battle of wills took place between the legislative and executive branches. On May 9, 1996, President Clinton refused to turn over additional documents related to the matter, claiming executive privilege. House committee chair Clinger threatened a contempt of Congress resolution against the president, and the White House partially backed down on May 30, surrendering 1,000 of the 3,000 documents the committee asked for.

Meanwhile, the seven dismissed employees were back in the picture. In March 1996 the House voted 350–43 to reimburse them for all of their legal expenses; in September 1996, Democratic Senator Harry Reid led an unsuccessful attempt to block this measure. In May 1996, the seven filed a $35 million lawsuit against Harry Thomason and Darnell Martens, alleging unlawful interference with their employment and emotional distress.

On June 5, 1996, Clinger announced that the committee's investigations had discovered that the White House had requested access to Billy Dale's FBI background check report seven months after the terminations, in what Clinger said was an improper effort to justify the firings. It was rapidly discovered that the White House had additionally gotten improper access to hundreds of other FBI background reports, many on former White House employees in Republican administrations; thus was born the Filegate controversy.

The House Government Reform and Oversight Committee issued its majority report on September 18, 1996, in which it accused the Clinton administration of having obstructed the committee's efforts to investigate the Travelgate scandal. It portrayed Bill Clinton as being heavily involved in the Travel Office affair, more than any other investigation. The report's chapter titles were lurid: "The White House Stonewalled All Investigations into the White House Travel Office Firings and Related Matters", "The White House Initiated a Full-Scale Campaign of Misinformation in the Aftermath of the Travel Office Firings and President Clinton Led the Misinformation Campaign from the First Days of the Travelgate Debacle", "Foster's Death Shattered a White House Just Recovering from an Abysmal First 6 Months of Administration", and so forth. Democratic members of the Committee walked out in protest over the report, with ranking member Henry Waxman calling it "an embarrassment to you , this committee and this Congress" and "a crassly partisan smear campaign against President Clinton, Mrs. Clinton and this administration." The following month Clinger forwarded the report, along with one on Filegate, to the Independent Counsel, suggesting that the testimony of several witnesses be looked at for possible perjury or obstruction of justice. Democrats said this was politically motivated in an attempt to influence the 1996 presidential election (in which Clinton was re-elected by a solid margin).

Almost two years passed. Independent Counsel Starr continued his investigation. Starr wanted access to notes that Vince Foster's attorney took in a conversation with Foster about the Travel Office affair shortly before Foster's suicide, but on June 25, 1998, the U.S. Supreme Court ruled 6–3 against Starr in Swidler & Berlin v. United States, stating that attorney-client privilege extends beyond the grave. In September 1998 Independent Counsel Starr released the famous Starr Report, concerning offenses that may have been committed by President Clinton as part of the Lewinsky scandal. It did not mention the Travel Office matter.

Ray's full 243-page report was unsealed and made public on October 18, 2000, three weeks before the Senatorial election. It confirmed that neither Hillary Clinton nor David Watkins would be indicted. It included some new detail, including a somewhat unsubstantiated claim from a friend of Watkins saying that the First Lady had told Watkins to "fire the sons of bitches." Ray cited eight separate conversations between the First Lady and senior staff and concluded: "Mrs. Clinton’s input into the process was significant, if not the significant factor influencing the pace of events in the Travel Office firings and the ultimate decision to fire the employees." Moreover, Ray determined Hillary Clinton had given "factually false" testimony when questioned by the GAO, the Independent Counsel, and Congress about the travel office firings, but reiterated that "the evidence was insufficient to prove beyond a reasonable doubt" that she knew her statements were false or understood that they may have prompted the firings.

Immediate reactions to the report differed. David Kendall, Hillary Clinton's lawyer, said that Ray's words were "highly unfair and misleading" and that Ray's conclusions were inconsistent, that evidence regarding her innocence had been buried in the document, and that the report confirmed that her fears about financial improprieties in the Travel Office were warranted. On the other hand, in a FoxNews broadcast, George Washington University professor of law Jonathan Turley said, “It essentially says that she satisfies all of the components of an indictment and is ultimately safe from trial simply by the discretion of the prosecutor. That’s pretty damning.” New York Times columnist Safire updated his description of Hillary Clinton to "habitual prevaricator", saying "the evidence that she has been lying all along is damning" and comparing her dark side to that of Richard Nixon, in whose White House he had once worked.

Regardless, after 7½ years, Travelgate was finally over.

Opinions would differ over the legacy of the affair. Some agreed with Safire, who had said that Hillary Clinton was "a vindictive power player who used the FBI to ruin the lives of people standing in the way of juicy patronage." Commentator Barbara Olson would entitle her highly unflattering 1999 book Hell to Pay: The Unfolding Story of Hillary Rodham Clinton, in reference to Clinton's Travelgate phrase. However, the various investigations and conclusions had little effect on Hillary Clinton's career, as she won the 2000 election to the Senate, won re-election in 2006, and became a presidential candidate for 2008.

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Kenneth Starr

Kenneth Starr

Kenneth Winston Starr (born July 21, 1946) is an American lawyer and former judge and solicitor general who was appointed to the Office of the Independent Counsel to investigate the suicide death of the deputy White House counsel Vince Foster and the Whitewater land transactions by President Bill Clinton. He later submitted to Congress the Starr Report, which opened the door for Clinton's impeachment based on charges arising from the Monica Lewinsky scandal. He currently serves as dean of Pepperdine University School of Law in Malibu, California. He is also currently working to defend the constitutionality of Proposition 8.

Kenneth Starr was born in Lockett, a small town near Vernon, the seat of Wilbarger County in north Texas. His father was a Church of Christ minister.

He first attended Harding University in Searcy, Arkansas, where he belonged to the Young Democrats and wrote in support of Vietnam protesters, but transferred to George Washington University in Washington, D.C., where he received his bachelor of arts degree in 1968. During his time at The George Washington University, Starr was a member of Delta Phi Epsilon, a Professional Foreign Service Fraternity. Starr worked for the Southwestern Company. He later attended Brown University in Providence, Rhode Island, (M.A, 1969) and Duke University in Durham, North Carolina, (J.D., 1973). Starr did not go to Vietnam, classified 4-F, due to a case of psoriasis.

After his graduation from Duke, he became a clerk for U.S. Circuit Judge David W. Dyer of the United States Court of Appeals for the Fifth Circuit(1973-1974), then for Chief Justice Warren Burger (1975-1977).

He joined the staff of the Los Angeles-based law firm Gibson, Dunn, & Crutcher in 1977, working out of their Washington office. He was appointed counselor to U.S. Attorney General William French Smith in 1981.

Starr was appointed to be a federal judge on the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit by President Ronald Reagan and served from 1983 to 1989. He was United States Solicitor General from 1989 to 1993 under President George H. W. Bush.

When the Senate Ethics Committee needed someone to review Republican Senator Bob Packwood's diaries, the committee chose Starr, and he was praised by Republicans and Democrats alike for his fairness and decency. In 1990, Starr was the leading candidate for the U.S. Supreme Court nomination after William Brennan's retirement. He encountered a strong resistance from the Department of Justice leadership which feared that Starr might not be reliably conservative as a Supreme Court justice. President George H. W. Bush nominated David Souter instead of Starr. Starr also considered running for the United States Senate from Virginia in 1994 against incumbent Chuck Robb, but opted against opposing Oliver North for the Republican nomination.

In August 1994 Starr was appointed by a three-judge panel to continue the Whitewater investigation, replacing Robert B. Fiske, who had been appointed by the Attorney General prior to the reenactment of the Independent Counsel law. The law conferred broad investigative powers on Starr and the other independent counsels named to investigate the administration, including the right to subpoena nearly anyone who might have relevant information. Starr would later receive authority to conduct additional investigations, including the firing of White House Travel Office personnel, potential political abuse of confidential FBI files,, Madison Guaranty, Rose Law Firm, Paula Jones law suit and, most notoriously, possible perjury and obstruction of justice to cover up President Clinton's sexual relationship with Monica Lewinsky.

The Special Division, the three-judge panel that named Starr, was led by Judge David Sentelle, an appointee of President Reagan and a protege of Senator Jesse Helms. On July 14, 1994, Helms, fellow Republican senator Lauch Faircloth, and Sentelle met for lunch in the Senate cafeteria. All three initially denied having discussed the upcoming independent counsel appointment, though later Sentelle admitted that it "may" have come up in conversation. Sentelle also acknowledged that he was looking for a Republican "who had been active on the other side of the political fence" to head the new investigation, in keeping with the tradition of such independent counsels as Archibald Cox and Leon Jaworski (then known as special prosecutors). One of the other judges on the panel was a Democratic appointee to the bench; he registered no dissent over Starr's appointment.

On August 5, Starr was named independent counsel. The Special Division's written statement emphasized that the judges found no fault with the investigation up to that point by Robert Fiske, a moderate Republican appointed by Attorney General Janet Reno, but the newly reenacted law, signed by President Clinton, said that Independent Counsels must be chosen by the three-judge panel and not by the administration under investigation. Although Starr and other independent counsels were later criticized as unaccountable and unstoppable, the statute gave the Attorney General and the Special Division the authority to remove an independent counsel, and the Special Division used it in at least one instance.

Starr took the job part-time and remained active with his law firm, Kirkland & Ellis. This too had been the norm with previous independent counsels, and the statute expressly permitted it. As time went on, however, Starr was increasingly criticized for alleged conflicts of interest stemming from the connection. Kirkland, like other major law firms, represents clients in litigation with the government, including tobacco companies and auto manufacturers. The firm itself at the time was being sued by the Resolution Trust Company, a government agency tangentially involved in the Whitewater matter, and Starr had on one occasion talked with lawyers for Paula Jones, who was suing President Clinton over an alleged sexual assault. Starr told the lawyers why he believed that presidents are not immune to civil suit. When this constitutional issue ultimately reached the Supreme Court, the justices unanimously agreed.

In his deposition for the Paula Jones lawsuit, Clinton denied having "sexual relations" with Monica Lewinsky. Based on the evidence provided by Linda Tripp, a blue dress with Clinton's semen, Kenneth Starr concluded that this sworn testimony was false and perjurious.

During the deposition in the Jones case, Clinton was asked "Have you ever had sexual relations with Monica Lewinsky, as that term is defined in Deposition Exhibit 1, as modified by the Court." The definition included contact with the genitalia, anus, groin, breast, inner thigh, or buttocks of a person with an intent to arouse or gratify the sexual desire of that person, any contact of the genitals or anus of another person, or contact of one's genitals or anus and any part of another person's body either directly or through clothing. The judge ordered that Clinton be given an opportunity to review the agreed definition. Clinton flatly denied having sexual relations with Ms. Lewinsky. Later, at the Starr Grand Jury, Clinton stated that he believed the definition of sexual relations agreed upon for the Jones deposition excluded his receiving oral sex.

Starr's investigation eventually led to the impeachment of President Clinton, with whom Starr shared Time's Man of the Year designation for 1998. Despite his impeachment, the President was acquitted in the subsequent trial before the United States Senate and was not removed from office.

On October 10, 1997, Starr's Report on the death of deputy White House counsel, Vince Foster, drafted largely by Starr's deputy Brett Kavanaugh was released to the public by the Special Division. The report agrees with the findings of previous independent counsel Robert Fiske that Foster indeed committed suicide at Fort Marcy Park, and that his suicide was caused primarily by undiagnosed and untreated depression. As CNN explained on February 28, 1997, "The report refutes claims by conservative political organizations that Foster was the victim of a murder plot and coverup," but "despite those findings, right-wing political groups have continued to allege that there was more to the death and that the president and first lady tried to cover it up." CNN also noted that organizations pushing the murder theory included the Pittsburgh Tribune-Review, owned by billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife, and Accuracy in Media, supported in part by Scaife's foundation. Scaife's reporter on the Whitewater matter, Christopher Ruddy, was a frequent critic of Starr's handling of the case.

Starr expressed regret for ever having asked the Justice Department to oversee the Lewinsky investigation, saying "the most fundamental thing that could have been done differently" would have been for somebody else to have investigated the matter.

After five years as independent counsel, Starr resigned and returned to private practice as an appellate lawyer and a visiting professor at New York University and the George Mason University School of Law. Starr worked as a partner at Kirkland & Ellis, specializing in litigation. He was one of the lead attorneys in a class-action lawsuit filed by a coalition of liberal and conservative groups (including the ACLU and the NRA) against the regulations created by the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act of 2002, known informally as McCain-Feingold Act. In the case, Starr argued that the law is an unconstitutional abridgement of free speech.

On April 6, 2004, he was appointed dean of Pepperdine University's School of Law. He originally accepted another Pepperdine post in 1996; however, he withdrew from the appointment in 1998, several months after the Lewinsky controversy erupted. Critics charged that there was a conflict of interest due to substantial donations to Pepperdine from billionaire Richard Mellon Scaife, a Clinton critic who funded many media outlets attacking the president. (Scaife's money, however, supported the Foster-was-murdered theory, according to CNN, and Scaife defunded The American Spectator after it endorsed Starr's conclusion of suicide and mocked a Scaife-aided book.) In 2004, some five years after President Clinton's impeachment, Starr was again offered a Pepperdine position and this time accepted it.

On January 26, 2006, the defense team of convicted murderer Michael Morales (which included Starr) sent letters to California Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger requesting clemency for Morales. Letters purportedly from the jurors who determined Morales's death sentence were included in the package sent to Schwarzenegger.

Ken Starr announced that he will challenge the portion of the Sarbanes-Oxley Act which gives authority to the Public Company Accounting Oversight Board (PCAOB).

Starr continues to represent Blackwater in a case involving the deaths of four contractors killed in Fallujah, Iraq in March 2004.

On December 19, 2008, Proposition 8 supporters named Starr to represent them in post-election lawsuits to be heard by the Supreme Court of California. The lawsuits concern the recognition of same-sex marriages performed in the state before Proposition 8 passed and overturning the proposition altogether.

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Jack Quinn (lawyer)

John "Jack" Quinn (born August 16, 1949) is an American lawyer and political figure. He served as White House Counsel to U.S. President Bill Clinton from 1995 to 1996.

Quinn was born and grew up in New York. He attended Georgetown University, graduating with a Bachelor of Arts degree in 1971. Quinn later attending night classes at Georgetown University Law Center while serving as a staff member on the U.S. Senate Select Committee on Nutrition and Human Needs (1969-1973) and as a legislative assistant to Senator Floyd K. Haskell of Colorado (1973-1975). At Georgetown Quinn was a member of the Georgetown Law Journal staff. He was graduated with a J.D. in 1975.

At the age of 26, from 1975 to 1976, Quinn directed Mo Udall's presidential campaign. Later Quinn became a partner at Arnold & Porter in Washington, D.C., working there for almost 20 years. He also taught as an adjunct professor at Georgetown University Law Center and served as a Democratic National Committee appointee.

Quinn served as general counsel to Al Gore during Gore's 1988 campaign for the Democratic presidential nomination. He was again a Gore advisor during Gore's campaign as Bill Clinton's running mate in the 1992 election, coordinating Gore's preparation for the vice-presidential debates.

After Clinton and Gore won the election, Quinn was appointed Deputy Chief of Staff and Counsel to the Vice President. Later he was named Chief of Staff and Counselor to the Vice President. In 1995 Quinn was appointed White House Counsel, serving until 1996. Quinn left the Clinton administration to co-found Quinn Gillespie & Associates, a lucrative public relations firm which he co-chairs with his partner, Ed Gillespie, a leading Republican operative. The two met as adversaries on Tony Snow's Fox News talk show. Their partnership is considered an early example of the trend towards an interdisciplinary and bipartisan "one-stop shopping" approach to lobbying. It has experienced a rapid increase in revenues . Quinn Gillespie represented the government of Turkey and a number of corporate clients, for which the firm received public criticism: Quinn Gillespie "represented clients who want to drill in fragile areas of Alaska, put the screws to already beleaguered American creditors, and prevent the introduction of more healthy dairy substitutes in school lunches". The firm also worked for the asbestos industry in attempting to limit liability for asbestos health effects damages.

Jack Quinn is married to Susanna Monroney Quinn and lives in Washington, DC. He has four children: Jonathan, Megan, Caitlin and Brendan from previous marriages, and a stepdaughter, Jocelyn Luddy.

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Source : Wikipedia